Thursday, July 26, 2007
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Thursday July 26 2007 16:55:46 PM BDT
By Habib Siddiqui, USA
The prolonged military rule in Burma has worsened human rights situation in the country, leading to the exodus of hundreds of thousands of minorities, especially the Rohingya Muslims, who have been declared ‘stateless’ with the 1982 Citizenship Act. Many of these refugees now live in various parts of the world, including Japan.
The First International Conference on Problems of Democratic Development in Burma and the Rohingya People was held on July 16 and 17, 2007 in Tokyo and Tatebayashi City, Japan, respectively. The conference was hosted jointly by the Arakan-Burma Research Institute (USA), Arakan Rohingya Organization-Japan (JARO) and National Democratic Party for Human Rights (in-exile) USA (HQ). Sixteen papers were presented by academics, scholars and human rights activists. The conference was attended by Japanese and Burmese NGOs, Rakhine and Karen members, representatives from Japan’s Ministry of Justice and Foreign Affairs, and Rohingya exiles, including the senior members of BRAJ [Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan].
The conference said: ‘Myanmar being a member of the UN, its government is legally obliged to honor the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and promote human rights and fundamental freedom for all without distinction as to race, sex, language and religion. Instead, through its criminal actions against minorities like the Rohingyas, the Myanmar regime has proven itself to be guilty of crimes against humanity, and as such, deserve serious punitive actions from the UN from annulling its membership in the world body to sanctions that force the regime to change its uncivilized and brutal ways.’
At the end of the conference following declarations were adopted:
1. The Muslim minority community that identifies itself as the ‘Rohingya’ is an indigenous people of the Rakhine (former Arakan) state of Myanmar (Burma).
2. The 1982 Citizenship Act of Burma, which has effectively declared the Rohingyas as ‘stateless’, is inconsistent with the United Nations and international laws recognizing inherent dignity, equality and inalienable rights of all members of the human family. Through its discriminatory laws and practices against the Rohingya people, the Myanmar government is in violation of each and every Article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, making the Rohingyas an ‘endangered’ people of the 21st century who need protection of their human rights.
To the Myanmar government: (1) The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), now ruling Myanmar (Burma), should immediately amend or repeal the 1982 Citizenship Act to remove the burdensome standard of proof for attaining citizenship. The government should grant the Rohingyas and other minority entities full citizenship and accompanying rights. The SPDC should furthermore sign and ratify the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and fulfill its international obligation to prevent statelessness of all affected people.
(2) The Myanmar authorities should address the other fundamental human rights problems which have caused the Rohingyas and other minority communities to flee to Bangladesh and elsewhere. Specifically, it should abolish the practice of forced labor in compliance with the 1930 International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on Forced Labor, which the Burmese government signed in 1955. Towards this end, as recommended by the ILO, the Myanmar government should amend or repeal the sections of the Village and Towns Acts that legally sanction the conscription of labor.
(3) The rights of the child should be especially protected, in accordance with the government’s commitment to children’s rights through its ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991. In particular, all children born of Rohingya parents (and other ‘stateless’ minorities) should be granted Burmese nationality, including those born in refugee camps in Bangladesh, Thailand and elsewhere. Children must not be forced to work under any circumstance, and the government should not discriminate against Muslim (and non-Buddhist) children in its provision of education benefits.
(4) The Myanmar government must ensure that all refugees are able to exercise their right to return and must guarantee their full reintegration with full respect for their human rights.
(5) The Myanmar government should release ALL its political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Kyaw Min (aka) Shamsul Anwarul Hoque, dropping all charges against them and their family members.
To the Rohingya organizations: For achieving Rohingyas’ legitimate rights, all organizations working for the Rohingya community should foster brotherly relationships, mutual trust and respect for each other. Any activity that is detrimental to Rohingya interest and unity should be shunned at all costs. Members and leaders should iron out their differences and find common grounds to unite and cooperate like organs of a body.
To all the democratic forces of Burma: (1) Promotion of racism and xenophobia are crimes against humanity, and as such, should be shun by all leaders and members of the Burmese democratic movement.
(2) The ideology of the Myanmar regime is ‘Myanmarism’, which is arrogant, racist, militaristic, feudal, exclusionary and thus, self-defeating. It is a recipe for a ‘failed’ state, setting off perpetual war within itself, and destabilizing the region.
(3) Rohingya rights cannot take a back seat while demands for equality, freedom, democracy and human rights are sought from the military junta. That is hypocrisy! The dissident leaders must treat Rohingyas as their equal partners and comrades, craving for equity and human rights.
(4) The ENC [Ethnic Nationalities Council (Union of Burma)] should include representation from the Rohingya community to address and accommodate their legitimate grievances, especially those relating to the 1982 Citizenship Act.
(5) The leaderships of the Rakhaing, Rohingya and all democratic movements must preach that racism and discrimination against any minority community (including the Rohingya) are unacceptable and are in violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. If Burma is to survive as a Federal Union, enough trust-building provisions must be made so that every minority community –– religious, ethnic, or otherwise –– feels equal with other dominant races and groups. The true spirit of republicanism, in clear distinction to ‘Myanmarism’, must be embraced as the only alternative for survival of a future democratic Burma.
To all the United Nations member states: (1) The SPDC regime must be pressed to repeal its 1982 Citizenship Act that is highly discriminatory and in violation of several international laws and charters of the UN and its member agencies.
(2) The SPDC regime must be pressed to stop its inhuman and degrading treatment of all minorities, especially the Rohingyas of the Rakhine State of Burma.
(3) Fleeing refugees from Myanmar should not be pushed back against their wishes. And, instead, such should be given shelter with adequate provisions for food, education, job and healthcare. They should not be barred from seeking asylum in a third country.
(4) The UNHCR must improve living conditions within the refugee camps, and ensure that the returning refugees are not mistreated and abused by the Myanmar regime.
(5) The UN member states, especially the ASEAN countries, must demand a return of democracy [in Burma] with provisions guaranteeing human rights of all minorities (including the Rohingyas) in a federal state system that is inclusive and not discriminatory.
To the United Nations Security Council: (1) The UNSC must demand immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners within Myanmar, allowing them to leave the country voluntarily, if they so choose.
(2) A clear deadline must be set for the Myanmar regime to honor its international obligations for honoring people’s verdict in the 1990 election.
(3) The UNSC must ensure that the Myanmar regime stops its crime against its own people.
(4) Through its failure to repeal the 1982 Citizenship Act, the Myanmar regime is guilty of promoting racism, xenophobia, inequality, intolerance and discrimination against minority communities like the Rohingyas. The Act has effectively reduced the Rohingya people to be deprived of their fundamental rights to citizenship, movement, education, job, marriage, property and healthcare. The Act must be recognized (sic) as challenging the very principle and spirit of the UN. Myanmar’s membership to the United Nations must, therefore, be revoked for its monumental crimes against humanity.
(5) As per UN Charter – Article 55 (c) and Article 56 –– Myanmar being a member of the UN, its government is legally obliged to honor the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and promote human rights and fundamental freedom for all without distinction as to race, sex, language and religion. Instead, through its criminal actions against minorities like the Rohingyas, the Myanmar regime has proven itself to be guilty of crimes against humanity, and as such, deserve serious punitive actions from the UN from annulling its membership in the world body to sanctions that force the regime to change its uncivilized and brutal ways.
Dr Habib Siddiqui is the director of the Arakan-Burma Research Institute (USA). He can be reached at: saeva@aol.com
Christian watchdog latest to condemn National Convention
Mizzima News (www.mizzima. com)
July 20, 2007 - Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has joined the chorus of voices blasting the junta's final National Convention session.
"The National Convention is a complete sham designed to entrench and extend the military regime's power," said Stuart Windsor, National Director of CSW, in a July 19th statement.
Linking the National Convention process with the abuses detailed in a recent Free Burma Rangers (FBR) report, Windsor comments that "the exclusion of the major democracy and ethnic groups, combined with the military's continuing crimes against humanity in the ethnic areas, is surely proof enough that the regime is not sincere about reform."
According to the FBR report, released July 13th, persistent campaigns in Karen State over the course of recent months have resulted in repeated incidents of forced labor, killings, torture and rape.
The crimes documented by FBR include the following events of May 17th: "Burma Army troops shot and killed Naw Ku Lue, 19, during an attack on the village of Klaw Kloe Lo. Naw Ku Lue was killed in her farm house and her body was then burned with the house. In this same attack, 7 other houses and 20 tins of rice were also burned."
Another listing details what happened to two women from Papun District out working in the fields. The report states they were "raped, their breasts and ears were cut, and then they were killed by Burma Army soldiers."
Echoing the multitude of voices in opposition to the National Convention, CSW calls on the international community to toughen its stance against the regime and strongly refute any product resulting from the National Convention.
CSW urges the regime to engage opposition parties in a true dialogue aimed at national reconciliation.
Monday, July 23, 2007
Myanmar junta promises constitution in two months
Myanmar junta promises constitution in two months
Burmese Muslim Refugees Seek Kingdom’s Help
| Burmese Muslim Refugees Seek Kingdom’s Help |  |  |  |
K.S. Ramkumar - Arab News
JEDDAH, 20 July 2007 — Muslim Refugees from Burma have sought Saudi Arabia’s support and assistance in facilitating the stay of hundreds of thousands of them across the Kingdom and also in finding a peaceful political solution to their long standing problem with the military rulers back home.
“Many of the Burmese refugees, most of them known as Rohingya Muslims, have been here for quite some time and we seek the help of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah in providing them education and basic needs which are denied to them back home,” Nurul Islam, president of London-based Arakan Rohingya National Organization, Arakan, Burma, told Arab News in an interview.
An estimated 500,000 refugees are residing in the Kingdom — mostly in Makkah, Madinah and Jeddah, and along the Red Sea coast.
They are part of one million Burmese refugees residing overseas including Bangladesh, Pakistan, the UAE, Malaysia, Thailand, India and China.
Bangladesh plans to set up a camp for 9,500 Muslim refugees from Burma — the third such shelter since they started arriving in the country more than a decade ago.
Most of the refugees crossed into Bangladesh from Burma’s western state of Arakan over the past several years, suffering ethnic persecution in the Buddhist dominated country.
The refugees have been living in sub-human conditions without sanitation and health care.
The new camp will be in addition to two existing camps housing some 21,000 refugees for more than a decade.
They are the remnants of some 250,000 Rohingya refugees who fled Arakan in early 1992 to escape persecution by the military government.
Most were repatriated under the supervision of UNHCR, but the process stalled in July 2005 when the rest refused to return home.
Bangladesh has sought international assistance, including from the United States, to help find a new home for the refugees, saying it could not afford to keep them any longer.
Rohingyas, who form four percent of Burma’s population, are an indigenous people of Arakan, the western province of Burma bordering Bangladesh.
They are one of the many ethnic groups of Burma. An estimated three million Rohingyas are at home and abroad.
Due to continued persecution and ethnic cleansing, about 1.5 million Rohingyas have either been expelled or have had to leave their historical homeland to save their lives since 1948.
“The Burmese military regime has declared the Rohingya Muslims as non-nationals,” Islam said, adding that the Burma Citizenship Law of 1982, which violates several fundamental principles of customary international law standards, has reduced them to a position of ‘de facto’ statelessness.
“Moreover, a planned increase in new Buddhist settlements has caused serious demographic changes resulting in a systematic extermination of the Rohingya population,” he said.
According to him, large tracts of Muslims’ farmlands including Waqf properties have been confiscated.
“North Arakan has turned into a militarized zone with increased violations of human rights,” he said, adding that he had a meeting at the Organization of the Islamic Conference and hopes to meet with others including the World Muslim League.
Source:
Arab News
KIO to propose 19-point amendment of the constitution
KIO to propose 19-point amendment of the constitution Mizzima News (www.mizzima. com) July 19, 2007 - A 19 point proposal appealing to the National Convention to amend the draft constitution in favour of a federal union was released by the The Kachin Independent Organization, an ethnic ceasefire group, currently attending the final round of the military junta's meet. Among the crucial clauses in the proposal is the suggestion that the armed forces of Burma, including all ethnic nationalities, should be named the 'Federal Armed Force'. The delegates of the KIO central committee of the special region -2, in its paper to be submitted to the convention convening commission, points out the need for a federal system, which clearly demarcates the powers of the centre and the states in order to protect the rights of ethnic nationalities. The six-page proposal was released just a day after reconvening of the convention, which the junta said will be the last round of the 14-year old constitution drafting convention. The proposal said though the 1947 constitution stated that Burma is a Federal Union , in practice it had been a unitary system with rigid central control. In order to avoid repeating the mistake, the proposal states that the current constitution should include articles guaranteeing autonomy of the states and the rights of ethnic nationalities, and to vest power to the state legislative with regard to the rights of ethnic nationalities. The paper's warning on the role of executive is that if the president with his/her power exerts direct control over the states, it could turn into a unitary system. Therefore, it suggests, avoiding such over turn. The Chief Ministers of the states should be elected with majority votes in the state legislative. The paper further states that while declaring an emergency in the states, the Chief Minister after consulting the state legislature should discuss with the President of the country and the President in turn after consultations with the state legislature will declare an emergency. Moreover, by forming a separate Ministry to deal with border areas, the powers of the states that are located in the border line would be diminished and be controlled by the centre, which will create unnecessary problems, the paper said. Therefore, it suggested, that border issues should be left open to negotiation between the states and the Defence Ministry. While the junta has announced that the convention, which reconvened yesterday, will be the last round and will include amendments, additions, and nullifications of the constitution in order to be flawless, the opposition both inside and outside Burma has dubbed it as a sham. Burma's largest opposition party – the National League for Democracy – said it will wait for the outcome of the convention then judge it. Though the KIO along with a few other ethnic delegates are making efforts to amend the basic guidelines of the constitution, the chairman of the convention convening commission, Lt- Gen Thein Sein at the inaugural session of the convention yesterday appealed that no more proposed changes to constitutional guidelines be made since it was agreed at the last session. He further said discussions should be held within the frame work of the six objectives of the convention. Among the six guidelines, the junta has effectively included a clause stating the participation of the military in future political affairs of Burma. The KIO, which has a ceasefire agreement with the junta since 1993, in its paper suggested that the armed forces of Burma, which includes all ethnic nationalities, should be named 'the federal armed force'. Meanwhile, nearly twenty ethnic armed groups, which have ceasefire agreements with the junta are concerned that the junta might intensify pressure to lay down their arms after a constitution has been finalized following the conclusion of the national convention.
Sunday, July 22, 2007
Ban Ki-moon encourages inclusive national reconciliation process in Myanmar
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Through his spokesperson, Mr. Ban encouraged the Government “to seize this opportunity to ensure that this and subsequent steps in Myanmar’s political roadmap are as inclusive, participatory and transparent as possible.”
This should be carried out with “a view to allowing all the relevant parties to Myanmar’s national reconciliation process to fully contribute to defining their country’s future,” spokesperson Michele Montas said in a statement.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Special Adviser on Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, held a round of consultations on the issue in key Asian capitals earlier this month.
Myanmar minister says junta ready to cooperate with US
Myanmar minister says junta ready to cooperate with US
Saturday, July 21, 2007
Junta's convention is 'part of Burma's problem'
Junta's convention is 'part of Burma's problem' MungpiMizzima News (www.mizzima. com) July 17, 2007 - At a time when the Burmese military junta is poised to resume the last round of its National Convention on Wednesday, opposition parties and activists said the regime's constitution- drafting process is "part of the problem and not the solution to Burma's malady." Altsean Burma, a network of activists, intellectuals and academics working for human rights and democracy in Burma, today said the outcome of the junta's convention would merely fuel the root causes of conflicts perpetuated by Burma's successive military regimes. Altsean Burma's statement released today lends support to the chorus of condemnation by pro-democracy and ethnic groups both inside and outside Burma. The Committee Representing the Peoples' Parliament (CRPP) said the results of the junta's convention would not bring reconciliation in Burma but would only strengthen the stranglehold of the military. Pu Cin Sian Thang, Chairman of the Zomi National Congress and member of the CRPP told Mizzima, "We do not believe that the junta's convention will usher in national reconciliation in Burma." Despite demands to make the convention all inclusive, where all political stake holders in Burma could take part in free, fair and democratic talks, the junta has not responded, he added. "Therefore, we feel that the junta is not interested in national reconciliation but to cling to power," said Pu Cin Sian Thang, adding that the CRPP have not received any invitation to attend the convention. However, with most of the over 1,000 handpicked delegates reported to have arrived at the venue of the convention in Nyaung Hna Pin camp in Hmawbe Township, about 30 miles north of Rangoon, the junta is all set to begin its last session of the convention Lt-Gen Thein Sein, chairman of the convention convening committee in June announced that the last round of the more than 14 year-old constitution convention would begin on July 18 and will be followed by a referendum and general elections. National League for Democracy, Burma's largest opposition party, in 1996 walked out of the convention citing that delegates were forced to rubber stamp the junta's policy of strengthening military rule in Burma. And in 2004 when the junta revived talks, the NLD boycotted it as the junta failed to release party leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Despite the NLD's boycott, the junta claims to have the support of ethnic nationalities as a number of ethnic ceasefire armed groups are attending the convention. However, Pu Cin Sian Thang said, by merely attending the convention, it does not mean that the junta's plans are supported by ethnic nationalities. He added the ethnic armed ceasefire groups have jointly submitted a letter to the convention convening chairman, which was received but was never discussed. "This only proves that the junta is marginalizing the ethnic nationalities, " Pu Cin Sian Thang added. "The National Convention, which is tasked with producing detailed principles for a new constitution, remains a fundamentally flawed and inherently illegitimate process aimed at formalizing and prolonging military rule in Burma," Altsean-Burma added.
Australia Agrees to Consider Rohingyas’ Visa ApplicationsBy
Australia Agrees to Consider Rohingyas’ Visa ApplicationsBy
Violet Cho :Irrawady News
July 18, 2007
The Australia government has agreed for the first time to consider visa applications from Burmese Rohingya asylum seekers detained on Nauru Island, in the western Pacific Ocean. Seven Rohingya men from Burma’s Arakan State are among refugees confined by the Canberra government in the remote island nation. They fled to Australia by boat in August 2006 after living in Malaysia for several years. Although they make up about one third of the population of Arakan State, Burma’s Muslim Rohingya communities are not among the 135 “national races” recognized by the Burmese government. The Citizenship Law of 1982 leaves them stateless, effectively making them illegal immigrants in their own country. Arakan State’s other major ethnic group, the Buddhist Rakhine, on the other hand, are close to the ruling Burmans in both religion and language, and they enjoy more rights than the Rohingya. The plight of the Rohingya has led to an increasing exodus of refugees, who attempt to reach Malaysia in open boats. Hundreds have left the shores of Arakan State in recent months, many of them ending up on the beaches of Thailand, where they are arrested and held for deportation. Refugees arriving in Australia and detained by Australian authorities are generally held in camps on such islands as Nauru. Amnesty International Australia charges that the remote locations severely restrict and in some cases prohibit asylum seekers from access to basic needs and rights, including legal representation, education, translators, refugee advocates, adequate health care, the media, community groups, the Australian public and organizations. Although the Australian government has now agreed to process visa applications by the seven Rohingya men held on Nauru, they could be exchanged for refugees housed at the US detention center at Guantanamo Bay, according to lawyer David Manne, who represents the group. Such an exchange would take place under the terms of a US-Australia agreement announced in April. Some 90 Sri Lankan refugees and the Rohingyas would be sent to the US and, in return, Australia would accept Cuban and Haitian refugees held at Guantanamo. “It's possible that the Burmese men could come within the realms of this new agreement,” said Melbourne-based Manne, in an interview with The Irrawaddy before leaving for Nauru to represent the Rohingyas in interview sessions with government officials and interpreters. Although the US-Australia agreement has been criticized by Human Rights Watch, Manne welcomed the decision now by the Australian government to process the visa applications filed by the Rohingyas. “In essence, our clients have got what they wanted and what they're entitled to under Australian law,” he said. “The government has finally conceded that our clients have the right to have their visa applications assessed according to long-established Australian visa rules.”
Thursday, July 19, 2007
Persecution Watchdog Concerned as Burma Army Continues to Rape and Kill
Persecution Watchdog Concerned as Burma Army Continues to Rape and Kill Rape, torture, forced labour and killings continue in Burma as the military regime this week re-convened its National Convention to draft a constitution for the country. Posted: Thursday, July 19, 2007, 15:13 (BST) Rape, torture, forced labour and killings continue in Burma as the military regime this week re-convened its National Convention to draft a constitution for the country. According to the latest report from the Free Burma Rangers, a relief organisation working in the conflict areas of eastern Burma, the Burma Army’s offensive in Karen State has continued throughout May and June. Six villagers were killed on 2 June in Mon Township, Nyaungelbin District, reports Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW). Three weeks later, in P’Na Ner village, the village headman was captured by Burma Army troops who slit his throat. Since the beginning of the year, the Burma Army have constructed at least 10 new military camps in Nyaunglebin District alone. Two young women, aged 18 and 22, from Takehder village in Luthaw Township, Papun District, were captured while they were gathering vegetables in the jungle. According to the Free Burma Rangers, they were raped, their breasts and ears were cut, and then they were killed by Burma Army soldiers. On 23 June, the Burma Army murdered an entire family of five people in Htee K’bler village, including two children, Kyaw Eh Wah, age four, and Saw Pa Heh Soe, age 13, and their grandmother, Naw Pler Poe, aged 65. On 18 July, the military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) opened the final session of the National Convention. The overwhelming majority of delegates are handpicked by the regime, said CSW. In elections held in 1990, nine pro-democracy parties won 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats, but all are excluded from the constitution-drafting process. The ethnic nationality groups are also excluded. Questioning or criticising the National Convention and communicating with international media about the process are crimes under the regime’s Order 5/96 and carry a 20-year jail sentence. The constitution, which is expected to be completed by this final session of the National Convention, is based on the regime’s “104 principles”. These include a requirement that the country's president “shall be a person who has been residing continuously in the country for at least 20 years” with “political, administrative, military and economic experience” and whose spouse, children and spouses of children are not citizens of another country. The president should also have at least 15 years of military service. These requirements automatically disqualify Burma’s democracy leader, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, whose deceased husband was British, from becoming President. Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won over 80 per cent of the parliamentary seats in 1990. She is now in her 12th year of house arrest. Stuart Windsor, National Director of CSW, said: “The National Convention is a complete sham designed to entrench and extend the military regime’s power. "The exclusion of the major democracy and ethnic groups, combined with the military’s continuing crimes against humanity in the ethnic areas, is surely proof enough that the regime is not sincere about reform. “The international community should give absolutely no credence to this process, and should increase pressure on the regime to enter into meaningful dialogue with the NLD and the ethnic nationalities.” Copyright © 2007 Christian Today. All rights reserved.This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
When dictators drive disasters
When dictators drive disasters Mon Jul 16, 5:00 AM ET Not all iron fists are clumsy at the economic helm. Chile's economy did well under Pinochet's rule, and many Asian strongmen reigned over tiger economies. Not so today in Burma and Zimbabwe, where misrule is driving many toward starvation. The world should take more notice. Both countries have top-ranked inflation rates. In Burma, the military's erratic policies have caused prices to rise 40 to 50 percent a year. In Zimbabwe, hyperinflation is in the four digits, pushing President Robert Mugabe to order police to arrest shopkeepers who raise prices on basic goods. Food scarcity has driven people to desperate measures. In Zimbabwe, many more people poach wildlife, from hippos to squirrels, simply to eat. In Burma, many parents go without food for one or two days at a time to feed their children. These are not nations that lack natural resources or suffer many natural disasters. Policy is to blame – the kind caused by leaders who make big economic mistakes as they cling to power. Fortunately, the international cry for action on these humanitarian crises is intensifying. The International Committee of the Red Cross issued a rare public censure last week by accusing Burma's rulers of causing "immense suffering," partly as a result of abuse of farmers in minority areas. The UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Burma, Charles Petrie, says that "ill-informed and outdated socio-economic policies" in Burma (also known as Myanmar) have produced chronic malnutrition. Zimbabwe appears closer to near collapse. The World Bank says the country has the fastest contracting peacetime economy. Such news has caused South Africa to intervene. But its foreign minister said last week that outside powers will find it "very difficult to rebuild an economy in a country where there is a serious divide and polarization." Mr. Mugabe has beaten down his political opposition, leaving the nation's Roman Catholic church as his chief critic. Archbishop Pius Ncube has called for nonviolent street protests to bring down the government. That appears unlikely. Rescuing people from hunger under a ruthless regime poses a moral dilemma for world diplomats. Mass starvation in North Korea in the 1990s was largely a result of policy, and many nations found it hard to send food aid – especially after some was found with the military. Even more difficult is outside military intervention. In 1992, the United Nations approved a US-led force into Somalia to relieve starvation. But the UN is still debating an "international right" for such humanitarian intervention. Despite genocide in Darfur, it hasn't sent in forces without Sudan's permission. These days, China's veto power in the Security Council remains an obstacle to pressure on dictatorships where China is doing business. China has beefed up trade with both Burma and Zimbabwe in its rapid pursuit for resources. That makes it difficult for the UN to act. But more international pressure on these regimes is needed, even as food and other humanitarian aid continue to flow directly to the people. Neighboring nations especially must turn up the heat. The ultimate solution is a return to democracy – not that democracies don't make economic mistakes, but they generally fare better in avoiding such trouble.
Malaysia's leader says poverty, backwardness are the biggest threats to Muslims
Malaysia's leader says poverty, backwardness are the biggest threats to Muslims AP Posted: 2007-07-16 06:53:59 KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia (AP) - Malaysia's leader urged Muslim countries Monday to invest more in education in order to curb poverty and backwardness, which he called the biggest threats they face in modern times. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, speaking to an international conference of Islamic scholars, said Muslims have fallen far from the era when they were widely respected for their creativity and innovation. "The real threat the Muslims face today is their poverty, their backwardness," Abdullah said in his speech in Kuala Lumpur. "If we want to return to the days of glory, education is the answer." "We're lazy seeking knowledge," he added. "This is the real failure of the Muslim world today." Malaysian officials have noted that the 57 members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the world's main Muslim political grouping, accounted for only 5 percent of world's gross domestic product in 2005 despite comprising 21 percent of the global population. Abdullah noted that Malaysia has stressed literacy and scientific knowledge for its people. The Southeast Asian country spent 8 percent of its gross domestic product on education in 2004, according to government statistics. Malaysian authorities have also repeatedly said Muslims must strengthen themselves economically, and not only in religious studies. The government has even urged mosques to attract youths by offering courses in computers, accounting and other useful trades.
ANALYSIS OF BURMA POLITICS FOR THE FIRST 6 MONTHS OF 2007
ဦး၀င္းႏိုင္ (အမ်ိဳးသားေရ) ANALYSIS OF BURMA POLITICS FOR THE FIRST 6 MONTHS OF 2007 27th June, 2007 By - U Win Naing (National Affair) Translated from Burmese to English by - Aung Bar Say Years are passing one year after another, but we people of Burma are still under military rule for 19 years. If those martyrs gunned down by the military regime during 8-8-88 uprising can be reincarnated, they would be 18 year old men or women now. Will those reincarnated people remember that they were shot and killed in Burma, because they asked for democracy and Human Rights from the military rule. Surely, those who were born after 8-8-88 event and now 18 year old grown up adults will not show any interest or know anything about the event and, they do not have any intelligent capacity to think about it. They are mostly uneducated, grown up among poor families, and their lives are in the hopeless condition. It is a very sad thing. I was engaged for the last 18 years with the hope that there might be some possibilities for reintroducing democracy in Burma. I met both military regime and the NLD, and tried to help them to unite. Now I lost my interest to keep on mediating between them. I cannot help them to be united at all. Both sides did not give in and, instead, they only want to show off their stubbornness. According to the present situations including both sides SPDC and NLD and the International responses, it is really (very, very) hard to get democracy in Burma. I will explain to you why I say this. You can criticise me only after you have read this explanation thoroughly. I will present the situation with my born character of not to support one-sidedly, judging the matters fairly, reveal the truth without personal favour. First, I will analyse the position of the military regime. I can see that it will dedicatedly pursue its 7 steps Road Map declared in the last five years. It is because of disunited democratic opposition groups, with those self-conceited persons, with those over-confident political organisations, those so-called political leaders who are bandwagon riders, it is now reaching to a stage that the military regime has full confidence, to carry on their own ways, without caring for the opposition groups anymore. The army leaders are like other human beings in the world, they were born with anger, greed and illusions, and made mistakes. They did many wrongs during last 19 years period. They had killed people (like 8-8-88 events and De-Pay-Yin massacre). They had imprisoned people (until now, some political prisoners were given 100 years prison sentences). They also took bribes. They had drawn wrong policies on national economy, health and education. Because they had done such wrong things in their lives, they were afraid of being taken action against them by the people. That is why, they do not dare to give up power during our life time. It is obvious that, to be able to continue to control power for another 15 to 20 years, they had formulated 7 Steps Road Map. We are now helpless to stop it and, they are definitely going to materialise that programme. I would like to earnestly ask the people of Burma to consider this fact and find some solution to solve this problem. Our pragmatic approach should be based on 1. we would not get democracy if politics are progressing according to the current situation, and, 2. there is no any possibility to be able to get it (democracy). So, if this is the pragmatic assessment of the current political situation, then, we can start to search for a solution based on this fact. Last month, the Chairman of the Commission of the National Convention, Let.Gen Thein Sein said that, the coming National Convention will be the last part of the Convention (he did not mention how long it will take) and, he will amend whichever part is required, with the intention of building the constitution stronger and stronger. That speech can be embraced as a joyous one, but at the same time, it can be seen as very dangerous. We democratic supporters wanted to see constitution going to be finalised in the last part of the National Convention filled with clauses, which favours the democratic rights we are asking for. But there is no clear outcome of what points they are going to amend and it is very dreadful that, instead of turning out the way weare wishing for, there must be a possibility that, the military would amend more tougher clauses for the continuation of controlling power, or creation of one group rule. I am not telling it by whimsical thinking, but would like to point out with facts,for the people of Burma to be able to consider that, it is possible that my predictionscould come out to be true. Instead of telling many things, I would like to emphasise only two areas, which the SPDC regime might amend in the coming National Convention. The first one will be concerned with the NLD (National League for Democracy) and the second USDA (Union Solidarity Development Association). It is for a long time that, in the diplomatic circle, people are predicting that the NLD would be abolished. It has not really happened until now as yet, but I suggest that it can really happen when the new constitution is introduced. In the constitution, they could add a special clause that the leaders of those abolished parties will not be allowed to participate in the coming Parliament (General) Election. If they really amend the above mentioned draft constitution, as I have mentioned, during the coming National Convention, NLD political role would be finished. I am not calculating the above possibility blindly. I am calculating it, by learning the example of the event which has taken place in Thailand in the last few days ago, where the military government of Thailand drew a new constitution (like Burma), introduced that particular clause in that new constitution. Thai military government abolished the Thai-Rat-Thai party led by ex-premier Tak-Shinawatra, and forbade Taksin from participating in politics for five years. Based on this example, I am pointing out that the SPDC military regime could copy the same way neighbouring country Thailand had done and, amend a new clause in their newly drawing constitution. Possible another amendment expecting to be introduced in the coming National Convention going to be held on 18th July, 2007 is, the role of the USDA, which was formed by the SPDC regime with the intention of using it as one of the political forces. They recruited students, teachers, nurses, fire-fighters and government staff as members of the USDA. But those varieties of USDA members are government staff and, do not have rights to get involved in politics. In the present constitution, there is a clause, which mentions that government staff are not allowed to participate in politics. If it is going on this way, the SPDC regime would not be able to use USDA as a political party. That will be needed for the SPDC regime to change the constitution for their own benefit. It is because of this, definitely, the SPDC regime will change the USDA to become a political party. By analysing the above facts I have presented, I do believe that the people of Burma would be able to understand the situation of the country. I would like to mention one thing in this letter, which I feel unhappy about it. I released a letter on 6th June, 2007, and reminded that democratic forces must be united and demand the SPDC regime in connection with the constitution, when they wanted to make some amendments. Mizzima magazine and radio stations also mentioned about this porposal. I also sent that letter to the respective opposition parties. But the NLD party rejected my proposal. I sent my letter to the NLD, through an important personnel. I also received a negative reply from the NLD party. The responses from the rest of the opposition parties were also nil. That event taught me that if we, among the opposition groups, have no unity, how can we work together to formulate co-operation, let alone the next step for the National Reconciliation. It is based on that experience, I am writing with this letter that it is (very, very) difficult to get democracy in Burma. Let us re-analyse the previous one "it is because the military regime is very much afraid of retaliation by the people of Burma, for what they had committed crimes against the people that, they are continuously keeping power in their hands". The army has the concept that, the NLD would not forgive them. If we accept this hypothesis, the army will never negotiate with the NLD. There is also no clear words or guarantee come out previously and until now from the NLD leaders that, they would forgive and forget the army, for what they had done to the people of Burma. If the NLD leaders says these word only now, the army leaders would not believe them anymore. It is reasonable that army leaders would be worried for their welfare. At the same time, when we asked the army that, if they do not want to compromise with the NLD, do they have any other leader or party to negotiate with, there was no answer to that question. By circumstances based on so many factors, it was leading to a situation that apart from NLD, there is no other alternative solution to solve the political situation in Burma. But it is necessary that, all those people who are concerned in this matter should realise that, according to the present political situation of Burma, we are urgently needed to solve the above mentioned fact that 'there is no other alternative solution to solve the political situation'. Especially, it is important for the people of Burma that, they should realise that fact. Urging the People of Burma If the people of Burma put their faith just only to the NLD, there is no about turn or possiblity to solve the political problem in Burma. That is why, it is urgently needed for you, the people of Burma, to find an alternative party, which is also working, the similar degree to NLD, for restoring democracy in Burma, which is also trying to expel the military dictator, which is not in the same degree, like NLD in severe-relation with the army, which is not committing any unforgivable crimes to each other opponent and, which will also dedicatedly work for the welfare of people with the intention of fulfilling the wishes of the people. It is necessary that, the people of Burma must realised that, there must emerge a new group, which is not NLD, but the Burma army could pay respect and be acceptable to talk to that group, to be able to solve the Burma political situation successfully. I earnestly urge you the people of Burma that, you should urgently think about this proposal to become really reality. Urge To The Leaders From All Over the World It is a known fact by the people of today world that, each country is shouting its foreign policy just to please the people by saying that, one country must not intervene in the internal affairs of the other country. But in reality, the American also intervenes, China also intervenes, India also intervenes, Russia also intervenes, English also intervenes, ASEAN also intervenes, all of them are the same, they are intervening in other countries' internal affairs. In the case of Burma, according to the variation of interests, such as amount of engagements, geopolitical position, politics, policy and economic interest, all countries are the same, interfere with the internal affairs of Burma. It is impossible to avoid interfering in the other country's internal affairs. According to the modern terminology called, 'Globalization', the world is linking between one country to another more closer than ever. I accept that phenomenon, but I cannot accept, if there is one-sided intervening, bullying, treating as subservient or dictating. I accept, to a length that, if other countries come and teach us. Chinese can come. The American can come. But do not come and control the country. I thank the United States of America, especially for its support for democratic struggle in Burma. I am very glad and would like to ask America to help us again. But, I have to say 'but', because, you should keep the balance of support, in your help for restoration of democracy in Burma. Please do not give a one-sided support. You should give the same equal treatment to all the opposition parties and ethnic groups from Burma. It is not right that you are giving your support only to the NLD party, but you neglected the other opposition parties, even you do not invite them or talk to them and, the US Information Department only accept to give training to those people who are recommended only by the NLD. It should not have happened like this. For example, when one of the foreign bodies decided to give award to Naw Onh Hla, who was a member of 'Prayer group' and who was expelled form the NLD, that event was cancelled, as the NLD leaders objected against her. Those examples show that what you are supporting the Burma politics is one-sided. Similarly, the rest of the diplomats from the rest of the Foreign Embassies are also treating us one-sidedly. Chinese diplomats from Chinese Embassy would not invite the democracy supporters when they hold parties at their embassy and, they avoid to talk, if we meet them at the parties held by other embassies. Similarly, embassies of ASEAN countries did not associate with the democrats from Burma until now. They all are saying in their mouths that, they are supporting the democratic movement in Burma. The reason I am telling about this experience is, I would like to remind the people of Burma that, although (all, all) the other countries are good to us in their mouths, in reality, they do not help us, the people of Burma, to become prosperous. I challenge the US Government with this letter. Help Burma to become a democratic country like you. Please help us with pure heart, so that Burma can be like your country, where Republican and Democratic, two prominent democratic parties are running under the democratic principles. I am very much delighted by the way the US is applying 'domestic policy'. I do not like many of the US foreign policies. I would like to sow the seed of the US 'domestic policy' in Burma. But I would like to make clear my position from the beginning that, I would not work as the subservient of the US. I can only stand in equal terms in friendship and ally. Keep aside the fact that, Burma is a small country and people are also shot and small: We must treat each other in equal terms in concerning our morale and our dignity. Now we would analyse China China inserted its influence upon Burma one way or another, since it is one of the biggest countries in the world and has largest population in the world. It is one of the close neighbours to Burma too. If we looked at the modern Burma History, starting from the end of the WWII and, after Burma got independence, no one cannot argue that China is interfering in Burma one way or another. China was the one who helped Burmese communists to make an uprising. China was the one who put different types of wedges between Burman majority and ethnics living along its borders. Chinese people were sent into the territory of Wa and made Chinese descendents. During General Ne Win period of BSPP Government (Burma Socialist Programme Party), he suppressed Chinese and Indian living in Burma. Although Gen.Ne Win could send back batches of Indians by ships to India, he did not send back even one Chinese person to mainland China. In the vacuums, especially in economy, of those Indians who left Burma, Chinese people replaced them. Short to the point, since around last ten years, Burma second capital Mandalay is occupied by Chinese. I can foresee that, in fifty years from now, it would be difficult for Burmese women to marry someone, who has no Chinese blood. There is a proverb, a race would not disappear because of earthquake, but it will if swallowed by men. This is a national problem. I would like to say only a few words in politics. It is a benefit for China, whenever there is a weak government in any form running in Burma. Those weak governments of Burma have to face the influence of China in social, economic and politics. The more we are in bad relationship with the West, the more that weak government of Burma must grab the leg of the big China. Therefore, I would like to remind the people of Burma that, you should understand that, this is the Chinese foreign policy that, China always wants a weak government run in Burma, which has bad relationship with the West. Please people of Burma you should think and analyse with cool head and without bias, what I have analysed the political situation of Burma, in this letter. Then ask yourselves what you should do next. I feel too heavy to present you my analysis wider perspective than this letter. You all should think about this. Ask yourselves what you should do. Then ask to the nearest one to his or her own judgement in this connection. People of Burma would be able to serve for the affairs of Burma by giving their lives. U Win Naing (National Affair)
Khun Htee Saung left NC for border area
Khun Htee Saung represented SNPLO ceasefire group at the NC Khun Htee Saung, a delegate to the Burma's National Convention, said many delegates could not accept the principles that the military would take the leading role in future politics. He attended the Convention until December last year, representing a Shan ethnic cease-fire group, SNPLO but he left Burma and came to Thai-Burma border area recently. Khun Htee Saung was joined by other former NC delegates at their press conference. Nation Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), an umbrella organisation for the opposition groups along the border and in exile, denounces the National Covention as a sham. Burmese government announced that the National Convention would resume on July 18 for the last session.
Wednesday, July 18, 2007
Burma under Beijing shield
Burma under Beijing shield By Larry JaganMizzima News (www.mizzima. com) July 12, 2007 - Beijing and Rangoon have long been the best of friends. Ever since the military seized power nearly 19 years ago, China has offered Burma a protective umbrella against international pressure. In the past two decades, China has been Burma's most important source of military hardware, during a period in which the West has effectively banned sale of armaments to the junta. Economic ties between the two countries have also burgeoned over the years to the point where China is by far Burma's most import trading partner. This relationship has been further strengthened over the last few months as Beijing now sees the military junta as its most rock solid ally in Asia. Almost ever week there are exchanges of high level visits, including diplomats, political leaders, government officials, businessmen and high ranking military officers. The most important of these were the secret mission of the Army Chief, General Thura Shwe Mann to Beijing in May and the acting Prime Minister, General Thein Sein, the following month. The key message in all these visits is the growing importance both governments place on their special relationship. In the face of US-led international sanctions, Burma has also begun to rely heavily on China for trade and investment. "Each time an important visitor comes from Beijing, they literally bring suit-cases of money with them for the regime," according to a Japanese diplomat who regularly deals with Burma, but declined to be identified. Burma's military leaders know that they have no other option now than to accept Beijing's friendship and money, despite some fears that it might in the longer-term endanger their independence and autonomy. "You have heard of globalisation, " the former military intelligence spokesman, Colonel Hla Min told me a few years ago. "Well the flood of Chinese people and goods into our country is our globalisation, " he said giggling. In true Chinese-style, this friendship comes with huge strings attached. The terms of trade are vastly in China's favour. But this relationship is not without its tensions. For Beijing is also increasingly aware that being close to Rangoon poses its own dilemmas for them. International criticism and pressure is mounting on Beijing to help the international community encourage Burma's military rulers to introduced political and economic reform. The UN Secretary General's special representative for Burma, Gambari has just been in Beijing trying to enlist their help to bring about political change in Burma, the first stop on his international mission to garner regional backing for the UN's renewed efforts to intercede with the Burmese generals. As a result of China taking a more pro-active, behind the scenes measures, Beijing sponsored the recent talks between the US and the Burmese government in the Chinese capital. China's leaders had been pressing their American counterparts to talk directly to Rangoon about political reform for several months. The US negotiator involved in the North Korean nuclear talks, Christopher Hill was convinced by Beijing's concerted efforts to bring Pyongyang back to the negotiating table which eventually resulted in a deal that Washington owed the Chinese the same courtesy in relationship to Burma. The US is understandably coy about the talks – we used them as an opportunity to press for the release of the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is their public position. But the two days of talks – albeit both sides stating their position – were fruitful, according to a US diplomat involved in the process. While there is as yet no sign that there will be further meetings, Beijing is hopeful that this initial contact may lead to proximity talks along the lines of the process which eventually yielded fruit on the Korean peninsular. These talks would involve Rangoon and Washington, with China and ASEAN also participating, according to Chinese diplomats. Although Beijing would never contemplate allowing India to be involved, they may consider giving Tokyo a role, because that would bring substantial sums of development aid, said an Asian diplomat close to the Chinese. China is anxious to see Burma's international isolation reduced -- and if possible sanctions lifted – with foreign trade and investment encouraged. They know this can only happen with a change in US policy towards Burma. So they are keen on a multilateral process -- perhaps with the UN involved – as they understand that this is the only way to seriously engage the Burmese military regime and provide the international environment to guarantee any concrete results that may emerge from the process. But Beijing is aware that it still has to provide Rangoon with concrete support, even while it tries to temper their intransigence as the same time. For several years now senior ethnic and pro-democracy leaders have met Chinese government officials in the southern Chinese provincial capital of Kunming. Last month there was another meeting, but this time with the leaders and representatives of the ethnic rebel groups that have cease-fire agreements with Rangoon. During their talks, the Chinese pressed the rebel groups to surrender their arms in accordance with the Burmese military junta's plans, according to a senior ethic leader who attended the meeting. They were encouraged to lay down their weapons after the National Convention had concluded drawing up a new constitution – which has just reconvened for the last time and is expected to complete its work in the next few weeks. China's political leaders, according to Chinese political experts in Beijing, are ambivalent towards Aung Sann Suu Kyi. There are some that fear she is a puppet of the Americans and that if she assumed power in Burma, it would merely add to the growing US influence in the region – something Beijing really finds abhorrent. Others feel that if she is the key to real political reform in Burma that would ensure lasting stability, then that was a small price to pay for China's central concern – a stable and secure Burma that does not pose a regional threat of any kind. While China understands that the US influence – especially in Asia – is something that is not in their interests, they also know that Washington's support is necessary for any international initiative in relation to Burma to have a chance of success. Behind the scenes the Chinese have been quietly lending their voice to the international demand for Aung San Suu Kyi's release – though they may have backed away from this when Thura Shwe Mann told them earlier this year that she could not be released any time soon because she remained a security risk. However the Chinese understand that she and her National League for Democracy (NLD) must be involved if the international community is to back Burma's political reforms. While Beijing may not be directly pushing for her immediate release, they are advising the regime that they should ease restrictions on her. China wants a second round of talks between the US and the junta – possibly in Burma – and would include the US representative being allowed to visit the detained opposition leader in her lakeside residence in Rangoon. While China is quietly active behind the scenes on the political front, their main concerns are economic and strategic. China may say political reform is an internal matter for the Burmese regime, but the reality is that they fear excessive delays in the national reconciliation process are only likely to increase instability in Burma. China's leaders fear that social unrest in Burma would dramatically affect their southern provinces. More than a million Chinese migrants have crossed into Burma in the past decade, according to senior Chinese officials. Most of them are there unofficially. They are running small businesses throughout northern Burma, Mandalay and even Rangoon. Technical experts, workers and even farmers have migrated across the border in search of work. Many of the market sellers in the border region, especially in the border towns, like Mongla are also Chinese. China's main strategic concerns are to see Burma introduce some measure of political reform and boost economic development. "The last thing Beijing needs is thousands of Chinese migrants flooding back across the border, increasing the number of restless, unemployed Chinese peasants looking for work in the country's main urban centres and adding to China's growing social and rural unrest," according to the independent Burmese analyst in Chiang Mai university, Win Min. A senior Chinese official told Mizzima recently that "China's leaders understand that the Burmese military regime is illegitimate and lacks the support of the majority of the people". Two decades ago, China's leaders and economists saw that the development of their relatively backward south-western provinces would rely on expanding bilateral trade with its southern neighbours, particularly Burma. So far Burma has not fulfilled the early promise. Now the Chinese authorities realise Burma could become a strategic transit point for goods produced in southern-China. They want to transport these by road to the Rangoon port for shipment to India, the Middle East and eventually Europe. Repair work is underway on Burma's antiquated internal road system that links southern China, through Mandalay to Rangoon. Now there are plans to rebuild the road through northern Burma to North–East India. The Chinese have agreed to finance the construction of this highway using 40,000 Chinese construction workers, according to Asian diplomatic sources in Rangoon. Some 20,000 would remain after the work is completed to do maintenance work on the road. "When this happens the northern region of Burma will be swamped by the Chinese – government officials, workers, lorry drivers and businessmen – it will no longer be Burma," according to a senior western diplomat-based in Bangkok who has followed Burmese affairs for more than a decade. The Chinese authorities are planning to use Burma as a crucial transit point, not just for the products grown or manufactured in south-west China, but as a means of transporting goods from the country's economic power-houses along the eastern seaboard. "By shifting the transit route away from the South-China sea and the Malacca straits to using Burma's port facilities to reach South Asia, the Middle East and Europe they hope to avoid the dangers of crowded shipping lanes and pirates – the Malacca dilemma as Beijing calls it," a senior Chinese analyst told Mizzima on condition of anonymity. Last year the Chinese authorities decided that the only way to ensure their existing investment in Burma, is to strengthen it. "More than six months ago, China's leaders sanctioned increased economic and business ties with Burma," according to a Chinese government official. "This will be in all areas, but especially the energy sector," he added China already has major oil and gas concessions in western Burma, and is planning overland pipelines to bring it to southern China. The Chinese have also agreed to finance and build several major hydro-electric power stations in northern Burma. But Beijing is also well aware that the junta's failure to implement political reform may back fire, not only on Rangoon, but on China as well. Already under increased international criticism for its unswerving support for what the international community regards as pariah states – especially Burma, North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe – Beijing has begun to distance itself and take a more active role in trying to influence its allies to be more flexible. This though does not mean that Beijing will falter in backing Rangoon to the hilt if in the end Burma's military leaders opt to shun all international efforts to encourage it to introduce political reform. (Larry Jagan is a freelance journalist and Burma specialist based in Bangkok. He was formerly the News and Current Affairs editor for Asia and the Pacific at the BBC World Service.) ------------ --------- --------- --------- --------- --------- ----
Monday, July 16, 2007
Protect Asylum Seekers, Release Prisoners, and Allow Unrestricted Humanitarian Work
Protect Asylum Seekers, Release Prisoners, and Allow Unrestricted Humanitarian Work Tuesday, July 10 2007, 10:31 AM EDT Contributor: Admin Views: 77 The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) is deeply concerned about the welfare of Burmese women and children who have been subjected to numerous violations of human rights in Burma and as well in countries where they seek asylum. We are also concerned with the overall treatment towards prisoners and civilians in Burma. ASEAN INTER-PARLIAMENTARY MYANMAR CAUCUS 18-2 Commercial Centre, Taman Abadi Indah, Off Old Klang Road, 58100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Tel: +603-7984 7318, +603-7980 1393 Fax: +603-7983 7318, +603-7981 7782 http://www.aseanmp.org email: info@aseanmp.org Press Statement 9 July 2007 – For immediate release Protect asylum seekers, release prisoners, and allow unrestricted humanitarian work The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) is deeply concerned about the welfare of Burmese women and children who have been subjected to numerous violations of human rights in Burma and as well in countries where they seek asylum. We are also concerned with the overall treatment towards prisoners and civilians in Burma. Approximately 2 weeks ago, Burmese asylum-seekers in Malaysia were detained by Malaysian authorities despite being UNHCR-recognised refugees. This occurrence has recently increased in frequency. We find it exceptionally unacceptable that young children and expecting mothers, among the detained are treated without proper care by the authorities, given their vulnerability. We call on the Malaysian government, and governments in the ASEAN region, to re-evaluate and alter its current negative policy on the recognition of refugee status and to pave a way for refugees to be properly protected and treated humanely whilst waiting for resettlement. In relation, AIPMC also endorses the recent report by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on Burma. The report publicly denounces the actions of the military junta that persistently violate international humanitarian law, particularly in the treatment of detainees and civilians in Burma, by the regime. The report details grave abuses by the junta towards civilians and detainees. AIPMC finds this very troubling and urges ASEAN to check its rogue member State, Myanmar. AIPMC strongly encourages ICRC to continue with their work in exposing the regimes’ unethical practices and to reach out to the incarcerated in Burma. On the same note, we call on all ASEAN members to push for a Charter that would end all forms of abuse of detainees and civilians in Burma and the rest of the ASEAN region. In addition, AIPMC also strongly urge the Myanmar regime to release one of its longest serving political prisoners, journalist U Win Tin who has served 18 of his 20 years jail sentence. The reported condition of his imprisonment does no good to U Win Tin’s faltering health. His limited access to proper medical assistance and the junta’s insistence on hard labour are strapping reasons to call for his prompt release. The situation in Burma is quite obviously not improving. AIPMC once again urges ASEAN to be stricter in its engagement with Burma and also urges China to consider the impact of its partnership with Burma. Ends AIPMC is an organisation comprising current and former Members of Parliament from Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. For media contact or to facilitate an interview with AIPMC members, please call: Roshan Jason (AIPMC Executive Director) at +6-012-3750974 or the numbers above.
Friday, July 13, 2007
The Significance of 7th July Incident
The Significance of 7th July Incident Kanbawza Win "Gone are the days when my heart was young and gay, Gone are my friends from the Rangoon University (substituting cotton fields away)" is the song I used to hum, whenever I recollect the unforgettable 7th July, a stigma of my life. It seems to me that 7th July has many sad memories in different countries e.g. in UK it was the London bombings where a series of coordinated terrorist bomb blasts hit London's public transport system during the morning rush hour killing 52 commuters and injuring 700 and causing severe day-long disruption of the city's transport and mobile telecommunications infrastructure countrywide. In US it marked the first time that electric chair replaced the hangman knot (1890) and in Africa Robert Mugabe became the President of Zimbabwe (1985). But in Rangoon way back in 1962, it marked the start of the first long epic struggle by the students of Burma. The conspicuous and the salient aspect was that it was an unarmed and peaceful young Burmese university student against tyranny and dictatorship that is still continuing on today. I was just a fresher at Taungoo Hall when on July 7 th 1962, the army fired point blank into the student's crowd killing hundreds of students. Being a UTC (University Training Corps) I duck which save my life but many of my friends were not so lucky. I can clearly remember of how the elder brother run to help his younger brother only to be shot and the two brothers died arm in arm. The student sitting with his lover at a café inside the Union rush off holding her hand tightly discovered later that he is only holding her hand and not the body as she has been tipped apart by the bullets. Sai Yeleik of Taunggyi was shot in the groin and up to the time of his death in Singapore could not bear any children. Such were some of the tragic scenes . For the first time in the entire history of modern Burma , the Burmese army has showed its true color. It seems that the friendly masks which the Burmese wear all the time, as the savior of the country having fought the Colonial British under the leadership of thirty comrades, then turn against the Fascist Japanese to gain independence was just a big joke and an outright lie when all the time they were just power maniacs. Their bluff logy until 1962 seems to be true, as they could marshal the people into believing as if were the Bible truth. In fact I remember reading the Rangoon independent English Newspapers ' The Nation" with U Law Yone as the Chief Editor and the "The Guardian Daily" of how the military coup of March 2nd was the happiest day of their lives, even though Sao Mye Mye Thaike (the brother of Sao Harn and Chao Tzang) the young son of President Sao Shwe Thaike, was killed instantly. To be candid the Caretaker regime of 1959 has done a good work, if compared to the feuding AFPFL (Clean and Stable). Up to that day the Burmese army could successfully wear that friendly mask. But the mask was taken off with the 7th July Incident. Since then the students and the solders were eternal sworn enemies and it will go on forever until the military dictatorship was overthrown. The people of Burma had now began to see the other side of the coin, that the origin of the Burmese army was made up of riff raff ragamuffins barely better than the dacoits, that sow the seeds of the Karen insurrection followed by other ethnic groups, so much so that there is not a single ethnic group that is not fighting the Burmese army today. It was the army that wrecked the Panglong Spirit so much so that it is now trying to erase the memory of its founder Bogyoke Aung San and placing his only daughter under custody for a dozen years. Instead it has embarked upon the Burmanization policy with its ethnic cleansing, religious persecution, and using rape as a weapon, indiscriminate killing and so on The 7th July incident ordered by its army Chief General Ne Win and implement by Butcher Sein Lwin (the people of Burma are quite positive that both of them are not resting in peace in the next life) have shown the way to the next generations of the men in uniform, which in Burmese call Bing Be Wute Asoeya literally translated as the government that wear pants and not the traditional Burmese longyi (sarong), the art of maintaining power through the muzzles of the gun, taking a leaf out of Mao Hse Dong's theory. In fact to day, the mentality of the Burmese army are worst than animals. The animal will not kill its young ones and protect them whereas the Burmese army has done the opposite several times in half a century. The 7th July Incident of 1962 is the first of a series of killing which is continuing up to this day. The Burmese army personals thought that this 7th July Incident would teach a lesson to the students and would quietly died down and forgotten but it has a reverse effect. In fact the army had poke at the wasp nest and all the wasps with their stings ready are now swarming all over the country until today. The uneducated Burmese army has underestimated the student's banner of the fighting peacock " for even though its head is bloody, yet it is unbowed". Since then the cudgel of the students has passed on generations after generations and it will go on and on until the Burmese army is beaten. Obviously the Burmese army continued to commit crime after crime until it could not bear to hear the word democracy and students, so much so that they are now going to sell the Rangoon University to a Singaporean firm just to erase the memory of the 7th July Incident and of course the other factor is the regime bankruptcy. This is a typical thinking of the Burmese Generals; they construe that that by destroying a monument such as the Student's Union building or the Haw (palace) of Kengtung Saopha they would be in a position to erase a race or the sentiments of certain group. Being a little uncivilized they could not comprehend that love and sincerity alone can won the hearts and minds of the people. The Burmese army did not have cultures. They culture is raping the ethnic girls, killing the pro democracy students and rampaging the country. They have leaders, usually tyrants. They have armies, usually large and menacing. They have propaganda, usually dull and artless. Enemies are not civilized enough to have culture. Culture humanizes, and humanity is the last thing you want in an enemy. Most of the students starting from 7th July 1962 and onwards have become internet warriors where they promulgate their esoteric cogitations and articulate their superficial sentimentalities, psychological or philosophical observations with or without or taxonomical bombast. From our perspective it is also high time to think that whether the guns of the Burmese army should be met by statements for most of the soldiers are illiterate and cannot read any statement not to mention the internet. Even as I write this article, "I hear the gentle voice calling Old Students". The epic struggle will go one for as long as democracy is not achieved men may come and men may go but the struggle will go on forever. Chiang Mai
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