Trip to Burma ill-considered

Outgoing Army Commander-in-Chief Gen Sonthi Boonyaratkalin's recent trip to Burma to meet with top-level military figures in the ruling junta there was misguided at best, and wholly inappropriate at worst. Although Gen Sonthi retires from the military at the end of next month, there was no real need for him to go and ''assure'' the Burmese junta that Thailand's policies towards Burma would continue unchanged in his absence. Such high-level policy decisions are for the government to make, not an outgoing commander-in-chief of the Army.

Gen Sonthi met with the chairman of Burma's State Peace and Development Council, Senior General Than Shwe and Burmese army chief General Maung Aye in the new administrative capital of Naypyidaw during his two-day visit that began last Monday. It was one of a number of trips to neighbouring countries over recent weeks _ including Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore _ that seem to have gone under the radar of the local press.

But Gen Sonthi was not in Burma only as commander-in-chief of the Royal Thai Army; he was also representing Thailand as the chairman of the Council for National Security and architect of the current political set-up in Thailand. As such, Gen Sonthi's visit and cosy reception by the Burmese junta could send wrong signals to Asean and the rest of the international community. What outsiders will see are two military dictators of sorts shaking hands and smiling, while the people in their respective nations are struggling for freedom and democracy. That is not the image that we as a nation should be sending.

Despite recent political events at home and the Sept 19, 2006 coup, Thailand is not on a par with Burma in terms of repression and lack of democracy. But Gen Sonthi's pandering to the Burmese junta, particularly if he manages to get himself into politics next year, sends out an entirely wrong message not only to the world, but to the people of Burma as well.

The visit was also extremely inappropriate and damaging, considering recent developments in Burma where protests have erupted in various places around the country following shock price hikes for fuel. Burmese citizens last week, at great risk to their lives and liberty, tried to stand up to their repressive leadership by protesting against the price hikes that they say will make life even more impossible in the secretive state. Bus fares immediately doubled following the price hikes and from there, basic produce and other goods will also surely rise in tandem with the increased costs for state-controlled oil and gas.

Our neighbouring citizens risked their lives in a rare show of dissent against the military junta in Burma and many were ''arrested'' or attacked by state-sanctioned thugs in a country where law and order has all but disappeared. And did they get support or encouragement from their neighbours? No. All they saw was the de facto leader of one of their nearest neighbours getting along swimmingly with their repressive dictator.

Gen Sonthi's smiling pictures taken with the Senior Gen Than Shwe and other top figures in the Burmese junta will do nothing to end the repression that our Burmese neighbours have been struggling under for decades. Constructive dialogue and mutual engagement are clearly not working in Burma.

Thailand should stand with the other major forces in Asean and start placing stronger demands on Burma to move closer towards democracy _ not give the junta tacit approval for gross human rights abuses and continued oppression of its people.However, under Thailand's present leadership, any such calls would only be seen as hypocritical. Therefore, the best thing for the current leadership to do is remain quiet and wait for a democratically-elected government to make any promises to Burma if it so wishes. Until then, Gen Sonthi should put his passport away and stay at home and concentrate on other matters, such as the insurgency in the deep South, and leave the international politicking to others.

UN Security Council action sought over Myanmar crackdown

Posted: 30 August 2007 0847 hrs Related Videos UN Security Council action sought over Myanmar crackdown WASHINGTON: US lawmakers on Wednesday called on President George W. Bush's administration to demand an urgent UN Security Council meeting on the Myanmar military government's crackdown on dissent.

Senior lawmakers from the House of Representatives and the Senate wrote to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice asking her to press for such a meeting, as pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar defied a clampdown and staged rare street protests against a staggering increase in fuel prices.

More than 100 people have been arrested, including some of the nation's top pro-democracy leaders, following the largest non-violent demonstrations in Myanmar in five years.

"We strongly urge you to send a letter to the President of the Security Council requesting UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon to expeditiously provide a complete briefing to the Security Council," Tom Lantos, the Democratic head of the House's foreign relations committee, and four other lawmakers from the chamber wrote.

A similar call was made in a separate letter to the chief US diplomat by the Senate's Republican Leader Mitch McConnell and senior Democratic senator Dianne Feinstein.

"The current situation in Burma merits a strong and meaningful response by our government," they said.

The lawmakers welcomed the Bush administration's swift condemnation of the Myanmar military government's "brutal behaviour" as well as similar condemnations from France and Britain -- two other permanent members of the Security Council -- along with Canada, Sweden, Ireland, Denmark, the European Union, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

"However, at this critical juncture, words of support from the world's democracies are not enough," McConnell and Feinstein said. "The matter needs to be addressed by the UN Security Council."

There was no immediate reaction from Rice's office but Tom Casey, a State Department spokesman, said earlier Wednesday that Washington expected discussions on Myanmar in the Security Council as well as during the upcoming meetings of the General Assembly.

With full bipartisan support from Congress, the United States has led a diplomatic drive to place the Myanmar issue on the permanent agenda of the UN Security Council.

"We must avail ourselves of this diplomatic forum; the brave people of Burma deserve no less," Lantos and the other House legislators said.

Last January, China and Russia vetoed a Security Council resolution urging Myanmar's rulers to free all political detainees and end sexual violence by the military.

The United Nations estimates there are some 1,100 political prisoners in Myanmar, including Nobel Peace Prize winner and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Her National League for Democracy overwhelmingly won 1990 elections, but were never allowed to take office, and she has now spent more than a decade under house arrest.

Under military rule since 1962, Myanmar tolerates little public dissent, but analysts say the military government has been shaken by the persistence of the latest protesters.

The military government sparked public anger when the government secretly hiked key fuel prices by as much as five-fold on August 15.

That immediately doubled the cost of transport, which left many people unable to even afford the bus fare to get to work.

- AFP/ac

* Light Of Myanmar *: 9/11 နဲ႔ 7/7 လူသတ္မွဳကုိ ဒီမုိကေရစီစိတ္၀င္စားသူေတြ ေမ့ထားသင့္လား

* Light Of Myanmar *: 9/11 နဲ႔ 7/7 လူသတ္မွဳကုိ ဒီမုိကေရစီစိတ္၀င္စားသူေတြ ေမ့ထားသင့္လား

(Bangkok Post) Burma's regime getting worse.

Even for a regime that hardly ever treats its people with respect, the action against Burmese demonstrators last week was beyond the pale. It speaks volumes that the generals who mismanage Burma could not tolerate a tiny, peaceful protest against unacceptable economic hardships. But it was totally unacceptable that the dictators could not even treat the demonstrations with a show of legality. By turning loose gangs of its own Burmese thugs against the Rangoon protest, the once again demonstrated that promises to bring democracy to the country are as empty as ever.

Credit where credit is due, however, and for once its Southeast Asian neighbours are not sitting on their hands. Two days after the junta recommenced beating, jailing and intimidating the Burmese opposition, the main parliamentary group in the region took a small step forward. The Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, known as Aipa, an official arm of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), said it may award the main Burmese opposition party a place at its table. The Aipa reasoning: Since the National League for Democracy won the futile 1990 Burmese elections, it is the official parliamentary group in Burma.

This is a small step, but credit the Asean arm with doing something. Compare that with United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon. After two days of government attacks on peaceful protesters, Mr Ban called on the Rangoon government to exercise restraint. He even called for ''constructive dialogue towards national reconciliation' '. The futility of such a timid call from the new UN chief was so evident that neither the Burmese regime nor the beleaguered and unbowed opposition bothered replying to it.

Democracy remains the goal of the small Burmese opposition groups. They clearly have the support of much of Burma, although as always it is difficult to know just how much. When the opposition met last week to stage peaceful street marches against huge and unaffordable price increases on basic commodities, Rangoon residents along their route shouted or showed encouragement. The savage attacks by thuggish gangs in the pay of the generals was totally uncalled for, as were the arrests of protesters who either resisted the attacks of goons or tried to continue their peaceful demonstration. The Rangoon regime, which did not even have the fortitude to use its law enforcement agencies, also allowed no mention of the protests in the mouthpiece media it controls.

It should be no surprise that the protests began after the generals announced they were doubling the cost of diesel and increasing the price of compressed gas used for cooking and driving cars by 500%. Buses could not run and people could not get to work. As always, the incompetent and arrogant junta members saw no reason to justify the new, heavy burdens on the heavily troubled working men and women. They also gave no warning of the huge and _ for many _ unbearable price increases.

This totally anti-democratic attitude is as ingrained in the Burmese military regime as its incompetence at ruling the country. In a vote, the military would be thrown out in a flash. Indeed, it was tossed out in free and fair elections 17 years ago. Brutality and intimidation keep the generals in power. Virtually everything they have touched has turned to ashes, tragedy or both. Last week, as they drove the economy even further down than ever, it became clear they are mismanaging even a fairly simple programme designed to provide substitute legal crops for farmers now forbidden from growing opium. Instead of consulting the farmers and following the advice of anti-drug experts in Thailand and the United Nations, the generals have actually lowered farmers' income. Chinese merchants are buying up huge farm areas from the impoverished Burmese in the region.

The Burmese regime has truly lost credibility. There is strong evidence the junta also has lost both local and international legitimacy despite the kid-gloves treatment it still gets from the UN chief, from individual neighbours including Thailand, and from Asean. No one believes the generals will slowly switch the country to a democratic system, as they claim. We can only wish the Burmese good luck and offer moral support as they try to peacefully change a corrupt and brutal regime.

Help stop Burma's brutal dictators from committing more violent acts!!

Join Burma Freedom Protest!!

Immediately release student leaders and all arrested; and all political prisoners; and stop ongoing violent crackdowns and arrests over peaceful demonstrations! !!

Tuesday August 28, 2007; 11:00 am - 1:30 pm

Federal Building; 450 Golden Gate Ave, San Francisco ( Map/direction) (Download Flyer)

Concerned Burma freedom activists to rally outside of Federal Building/Office of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in San Francisco demanding the US Congress and the US Government to help stop the Burma's military regime , State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), from committing more violent crackdowns and arbitrary arrests over peaceful demonstrations, which were sparked by a sudden, government-imposed doubling of diesel and gasoline prices.

We demand that the regime immediately and unconditionally release all those arrested student leaders and protesters, and all political prisoners in Burma. We greatly fear for their safety and for the well-being of all political prisoners in Burma.

We command all participants in those nonviolent and peaceful demonstrations for risking their lives and taking a stand against the brutal and oppressive regime. These demonstrations are also the grave and unavoidable consequence of the decades-long suffering of the Burmese people under the heel of the politically corrupt, managerially incompetent, and socially brutal military dictatorship.

Many leaders of world's institutions and nations - including United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, have condemned and/or expressed serious concerns over grave situation developed in Burma due to violent crackdowns and arrests, and has called military regime for restraint and constructive dialog.

We call upon the United Nations, the United States, the United Kingdom and the international community to do their utmost to take swift and effective measures to secure the safety and release of the student leaders and all political prisoners and to restore the fundamental citizens' rights for all the people of Burma.

Organized by Burmese American Democratic Alliance (BADA); www.badasf.org

Co-sponsored by Burmese American Women Alliance (BAWA).

Contact: 510 220 1323; 510 610 9758

(Please kindly spread far and wide...)

__._,_.___

Protests against Burma arresting leaders of the 88 Generation Students spread to many countries

Mon, 2007-08-27 05:57

Rangoon, 27 August, (Asiantribune.com): The City of Rangoon City was silent on August 26 with a few travelers on the streets except security forces. It was reported yesterday that police and members of USDA were stopping cars and checking bus, railway and ferry terminals across Rangoon still searching for Htay Kywe, another leader of the 88 Generation Students Group, who was not yet arrested on 21st Aug midnight along with the arrests of other student leaders. His picture has been posted in local authorities’ offices and in many public places.

Anti-Myanmar government protesters gather Sunday, Aug. 26, 2007, near the Myanmar embassy in Bangkok, Thailand, to stage a demonstration against recent fuel price hikes. Fuel prices in Myanmar were doubled last week sparking street demonstrations. More than 65 activists, who protested against the hikes, have been detained according to state-controlled newspapers. (AP Photo/David Longstreath)

On Saturday, more demonstrations took place in three cities in central Burma – Mogok, Yae-nan-chaung and Taung-twin-gyi. About 150-200 joined the march in Mogok.

The group stopped at a state-owned gas station to give a letter to the manger to send to the Ministry of Energy with the call to reduce fuel prices. Township authorities accepted it and asked the demonstrators to break up.

Burma Lawyer Council (BLC), independent institute of Burmese legal experts in exile, issued a statement on Aug 25 on its finding of legal analysis on the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).

BLC said that under the existing Criminal Procedure Code USDA is an “unlawful association.” and demand the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to immediately declare the USDA an “unlawful association” and stop all violence and cease its criminal acts. BLC said if the SPDC does not declare that, it will have been a proof of its using of the USDA as its weapon to crush down its own people violently.

The group also calls on the Government of Japan and other international communities to cease providing assistance to USDA through SPDC as the organization has been taking advantage of human resource development program contributed by Japan to prolong the administrative mechanism of the regime. The text of Unlawful Associations Act of SPDC is posted at the end of this news report.

Solidarity Actions:

1) EU Declaration (Aug 25): The Presidency of European Union issued a declaration dated August 25 on behalf of the EU stating that it condemns the SPDC’s decision to detain people who were exercising their basic right to peaceful demonstrations, and calls for their immediate release and further urges the junta to release without delay Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leaders and political prisoners, and to engage with all different components of the society of Burma /Myanmar in the sort of open and inclusive dialogue which is indispensable to long awaited political reform.

2) Demonstration in Bangkok (Aug 26): At 10:00 am yesterday, Thai and Burmese people joined hands and staged a demonstration in front of the SPDC Embassy in Bangkok. About 150 people, including Burmese students and migrant workers and representatives from civil society organizations and political institutions and Thai solidarity friends joined the protest.

3) Demonstration in Korea (Aug 26): About 50 Burmese in Korea staged a demonstration this afternoon in solidarity with people in Burma and in protest of the SPDC’s violent crack-downs on the peaceful protesters.

4) Ethnic and Political Groups’ Voices inside Burma (Aug 25): United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), United Nationalities League for Democracy (UNLD) and Veterans Politicians group inside Burma issued statements and sent letter to General Than Shwe, chairperson of SPDC.

5) Ethnic Groups in Exile (Aug 26): Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) and National Democratic Front (NDF) – leading political institutions of ethnic nationalities of Burma in exile issued statements calling on the SPDC release all detainees and enter into dialogue with MPs and ethnic opposition forces to solve the country’s problems.

6) Joint Statement by(15) Thai and Burma Groups (Aug 26): Following groups issued joint statement today as they held a demonstration in front of the SPDC Embassy in Bangkok.

(1) Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB)

(2) The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)

(3) National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB)

(4) National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)

(5) Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB)

(6) Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (Altsean-Burma)

(7) Labor Union of Arakan (LUA)

(8) Yaung Chi Oo Workers Association (YCOWA - Bangkok)

(9) Rakhaing Patriotic Literature Club (RPLC)

(10) Asia Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)

(11) Burmese Women Union (BWU)

(12) Association of Burma Ex-Political Prisoners (ABEP)

(13) The SHWE Gas Movement

(14) The Migrant Karen Labour Union

(15) Thai Students Network

More solidarity actions is expected to follow outside Burma in many countries in the coming days while it's likely more demonstrations may take place inside Burma as the regime continues to neglect the calls from people to resolve this current economic and political situation. This is all for today.

Unlawful Associations Act of SPDC

Unlawful Associations Act, Section 15(2) provides that “unlawful association” means an association –

(a) which encourages or aids persons to commit acts of violence or intimidation or of which the members habitually commit such acts, or(b) which has been declared to be unlawful by the President of the Unionunder the powers hereby conferred.

Additionally, Section (16) of this law provides –

If the President of the Union is of opinion that any association interferes or has for its object interference with the administration of the law or with the maintenance of law and order, or that it constitutes a danger to the public peace, the President of the Union may, by notification in the Gazette, declare such association to be unlawful.

The Code of Criminal Procedure, Section 54(1), provides –

Any police-officer may, without an order from a Magistrate and without a warrant, arrest-first, any person who has been concerned in any cognizable offence or against whom a reasonable complaint has been made or credible information has been received or a reasonable suspicion exists of his having been so concerned;

Section 59 of the Code of Criminal Procedure provides –

(1) Any private person may arrest any person who in his view commits a non-bailable and cognizable offence, or any proclaimed offender, and without unnecessary delay shall make over any person so arrested to police-officer, or, in the absence of a police-officer, take such a person or cause him to be taken in custody to the nearest police-station.

(2)If there is a reason to believe that such person comes under the provision of section 54, a police-officer shall re-arrest him.

(3) … If there is no sufficient to believe that he has committed any offence, he shall be at once released.

- Asian Tribune –

UN Warns That Fuel Price Hikes Could Hit Myanmar's Economy

YANGON (AP)--The United Nations Monday warned fuel price hikes in Myanmar could worsen the country's precarious economic situation, as dozens of pro- democracy activists resumed their protests against the increase.

Witnesses said about 50 people, wearing white, marched in the bustling township of Bago, some 80 kilometers north of the country's commercial center, Yangon.

Demonstrators shouted slogans calling for lower consumer prices, as plainclothes police watched from a distance without intervening or making arrests, the witnesses said.

The demonstrators dispersed without incident after marching along a busy street in Bago for more than half an hour.

Earlier this month, the military junta increased fuel prices overnight by as much as 500%, by slashing subsidies that had kept domestic oil prices low for years. The hikes resulted in increases in prices of public transport - some since rolled back - and also higher prices for some basic commodities due to higher transport costs.

Charles Petrie, the U.N. humanitarian chief in Myanmar, said the price hike will hit most Myanmar families hard, since almost 90% live below or near the poverty line, which he defined as living on US$1 a day.

"It's going to make things more expensive and make it more difficult for people to survive," Petrie told The Associated Press. "It will contribute to the continued deterioration of the standard of living for a significant portion of the population."

Petrie also said the fact that the increase was imposed all at once, rather than phased in over time, showed the regime was "out of touch" with the average citizen.

"It's a policy that has been applied in a draconian matter that doesn't take into account the fact that people lack the reserves necessary to absorb such shocks," he said.

The price hike triggered a number of small, peaceful protests last week, mainly in Yangon. Police subsequently detained at least 65 activists, including several leaders of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement.

Among them was a protest Saturday in Mogok, about 680 kilometers north of Yangon, in an area famous for gemstone mining.

Mogok residents said more than 200 people, including members of detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, marched Saturday to protest the fuel price hike and dispersed peacefully without any arrests.

Myanmar's ambassador to the Philippines, Thang Tun, told The Associated Press on Sunday that Myanmar could no longer afford to subsidize fuel so heavily due to steep oil price increases worldwide. He said cutting the subsidies was not a political move.

Myanmar activists have speculated that the government needed to slash the subsidies to remedy a cash shortage. Some analysts said the measure could be a prelude to privatization, or that it may even reflect conflict within the junta - and could be a deliberate attempt to provoke unrest, further stalling the approval of a long-awaited constitution and embarrassing military ruler Gen. Than Shwe.

Myanmar's ruling junta has been widely criticized for human rights violations, including the extended detention of Suu Kyi and more than 1,200 other political prisoners.

Economic dissatisfaction sparked the country's last major upheaval in 1988, when mass demonstrations broke out seeking an end to the military rule that began in 1962.

The army violently subdued those protests. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

The current protests are nowhere near the scale of those in 1988, and the junta appeared to be taking no chances in trying to clamp down on them.

The military rulers held a general election in 1990, but refused to honor the results when the National League for Democracy won in a landslide.

  (END) Dow Jones Newswires
  08-27-070721ET
  Copyright (c) 2007 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.

UK Government’s Shameful Failure to Take Action

27 Aug 2007

UK must call for Security Council and European Union discussions

The Burma Campaign UK today strongly criticised the British government for failing to take any concrete action on Burma, following a week of arrests and beatings of democracy activists. The Burma Campaign UK will be holding its first demonstration outside the Foreign Office in more than a decade at 12 noon on Tuesday 28th August.

Protestors took to the streets of Burma on 19th August following fuel price increases of up to 500 percent. On the eve of a major protest in Rangoon last Wednesday, the regime arrested 13 leading democracy activists in midnight raids. Despite intimidation, including brutal attacks on protestors by regime thugs, hundreds of demonstrators have continued to protest.

More than 100 people have been arrested in the past week, and most remain in detention. The regime has accused peaceful protestors of involvement in terrorism, and is threatening jail terms of up to 20 years. Those arrested face torture, including beatings, electric shocks, burning, and the ‘iron rod’ where a rod is run up and down on the shins until the skin and flesh are removed and the rod is grinding on bone.

“It is shameful that the British government has not taken any concrete action in response to this new wave of repression in Burma,” said Mark Farmaner, Acting Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government should be calling for discussion at the UN Security Council, and by the EU, and considering strengthening unilateral sanctions. Instead they seem to have adopted a wait and see attitude. How many more people will have to be arrested and tortured before the UK decides it is time to act?”

The British government has traditionally been one of the leading critics of the regime in Burma, but this leadership role has been waning since it co-sponsored a UN Security Council resolution in January 2007, which was vetoed by China and Russia. There seems to be no sense of urgency to tackle the situation in Burma, despite the regime being one of the most serious human rights violators in the world. Since the Security Council veto, the British government failed to press for the EU Common Position on Burma to be strengthened when it was renewed in April, failed to support an International Labour Organisation referral of Burma to the International Court of Justice over forced labour, and failed to take action when two British Virgin Island registered companies invested in Burma’s gas fields.

“The regime literally gets away with murder because every time they commit atrocities we see the same limp reaction from the international community,” said Mark Farmaner. “The regime launches a new wave of repression, the British government and others condemn them for it, but then fail to follow through with any concrete action. The British government appears to have no strategy, the EU certainly has no strategy, and the UN envoy to Burma, instead of rushing there at this time of crisis, seems to have gone into hiding.”

Burma has been accused by the United Nations with a ‘crime against humanity’ for its use of forced labour. It has also been accused by the United Nations of being in breach of the Geneva Convention for deliberately targeting civilians in its war against ethnic minorities. More than 3,000 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed by the regime in the past ten years – equivalent to one every week. In the past 10 days more than a thousand people have been forced from their homes by a new military offensive. The regime also uses rape as a weapon of war, even against children as young as five.

“Gordon Brown and David Miliband must ask themselves the question, is the British government doing everything it can? The answer is no. Is that an acceptable answer as people in Burma are risking their lives and liberty for freedom?” said Mark Farmaner. “The tragedy is, despite the failure of the British government to act, it is still one of the democracy movement’s strongest supporters. That should shame governments around the world, and is one reason why the generals will sleep easy tonight.”

For more information contact Mark Farmaner on 020 7324 4713.

RESOLUTION ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY AT SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNSIT PARTY 12TH NATIONAL CONGRESS

SACP 12th national Congress is held in Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa from 11-15th July 2007. Free Burma Campaign, South Africa is invited to the Congress. FBCSA Chairperson, Dr. Thein Win and Executive member Ko Myo Naing is attended.

SACP Deputy General Secretary Comrade Jeremy Cronin spoke about Burma issue to the Congress on 14th July. He mentioned about oppressive military regime and serious violation of Human Rights in Burma. He also said SACP will continue to support the people of Burma. On 15th July, resolution came out unanimously from SACP Congress. In this resolution, SACP decided to raise within the Tripartite Alliance structures the position of the South African government on Burma in the Security Council, and the need for the Alliance and government to do significantly more to support the struggle for democracy in Burma. [Full resolutions see below]

The Congress was attended by allies, the ANC and COSATU, our YCL as well as a broad range of progressive organizations and invited local guests. The Congress was also attended by close to 100 international guests from fraternal communist and other leftist organizations from all over the world. Many of our local and international guests participated in most of our proceedings, including commissions, and Congress was extremely enriched by their inputs and observations. Congress was characterized by very high quality of debate and interventions, including very sober analysis of the current domestic and global balance of forces.

Plenary was addressed by the Deputy President of the ANC, Cde Jacob Zuma, the ANC Secretary General, Cde Kgalema Motlanthe, General Secretary of COSATU, Cde Zwelinzima Vavi, and National Secretary of our YCL, Cde Buti Manamela. Congress was also addressed by the representative from the Communist Party of China, Cde Wang Dongming, and Cde Fernando Remirez de Estenoz Barciela, who formally accepted on behalf of Commandant Fidel Castro, the Chris Hani Peace Award.

The South African Communist Party was founded in 1921 and has always been in the forefront of the struggle against imperialism and racist domination. The SACP is a partner in the Tripartite Alliance consisting of the African National Congress and the Congress of South African Trade Union. [COSATU] COSATU is represented for more than 5 millions workers and maintaining the biggest workers union in South Africa. COSATU is also supporting to the Burma struggle since 1999 when the military regime came to South African International Trade Exhibition [SATEX'99]. COSATU voices were paramount in the SA media during that time with the slogan "Military Regime... Go home".

The full resolution on Burma is as follows:-

STRENGTHENING THE CAMPAIGN FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA

This Congress,

Noting:

1. The increasing violation of fundamental human rights and the persistence of other forms of repression in Burma.

2. The National Convention that is aimed at drawing up a new Constitution for the country excludes the National League for Democracy and other parties which have the electoral support of the people of Burma.

3. The South African government's recent position on Burma in the UN Security Council.

4. The SACP's consistent support for an end to military rule and the establishment of democracy in Burma, and our previous resolutions in this regard.

Therefore Resolves:

1. To focus greater attention within our structures on the situation in Burma and to intensify our support for the struggle for democracy in Burma.

2. To call on the military government of Burma to allow the National League for Democracy and other parties that enjoy the electoral support of the people of Burma to participate in the National Convention so that the new Constitution is legitimate and is a truly democratic outcome of the fullest consultation of the people of Burma.

3. To call upon the military government of Burma to work towards the national reconciliation being called for by the people of Burma.

4. To intensify our campaign for the lifting of the house arrest of Code Aung San Suu Kyi.

5. To raise within the Tripartite Alliance structures the position of the South African government on Burma in the Security Council, and the need for the Alliance and government to do significantly more to support the struggle for democracy in Burma.

China's Burma problem; Whose baggage?

Published: August 26, 2007

China's Burma problem

Regarding the article "Hundreds march in Myanmar over prices" (Aug. 23): Human rights activists and citizens marched through the streets of Rangoon in opposition to a steep rise of fuel prices. Unfortunately, policymakers around the world have not shown the same fortitude as these protesters. The UN Security Council has remained shamefully paralyzed on Burma for the past 8 months since China vetoed a multilateral resolution that would have condemned the country's military regime.

Thankfully, opposition to China's position on Burma seems to be growing. Last week, a group of members of parliament from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations called on China to modify its unequivocal support for the junta.

This move may represent the first time in recent history that China's own neighbors are balking at its perceived heavy-handedness in regional diplomacy. In particular, Southeast Asian lawmakers are unhappy that China refuses to endorse Ban Ki Moon and Asean's call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

China could easily reverse the growing frustration with its policy on Burma by endorsing a multilateral approach to to the country, publicly supporting Ban Ki Moon and Asean's calls for the release of Suu Kyi, ending attacks against ethnic minority civilians, and pressing Than Shwe, the military leader, to enter negotiations with Suu Kyi and Burma's ethnic minorities.

Such moves would not only bring greater stability to Burma, they would in no way undermine China's investments in the country. Those marching and bleeding in Rangoon - as well as those suffering and hiding in eastern Burma - hope for such an outcome.

Jeremy WoodrumWashington Co-founder of the U.S. Campaign for Burma

Whose baggage?

I read with a certain surprise the article "Italy's American baggage" by Andrea Camilleri (Views, Aug. 24) on the case of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti.

The piece claims that "there is probably not a single Italian newspaper that has not devoted an article to the case every Aug. 23 from 1945 to the present."

I am a 50-year-old Italian that has spent 10 years in the U.S. and the rest in Italy, reading newspapers and, like most Italians, talking politics all the time. I never heard of Sacco and Vanzetti while in Italy. I heard about them while in the United States. Sacco and Vanzetti are in the historical memory of the Americans, not Italians.

Carlo Rovelli, Paris

The International Community must protest new arrests in Burma.

Wednesday, 22 August 2007

The International Community must protest new arrests in Burma. It is important that the UN, Asian countries, and big powers like the USA, China, India and Russia react strongly against the new arrests of democracy defenders in Burma. I see it as a matter of course that the Norwegian Government will express their protests, says the President of the Oslo Center for Peace and Human Rights, Mr. Kjell Magne Bondevik. According to news releases from Burma, at least 13 activists, among them student leaders, have been arrested in connection with a demonstration in Rangoon. It is a sign of weakness that Burma’s military junta does not tolerate open expressions of opinion like a demonstration. The pressure against the regime must be strengthened. This can only be achieved if the international community manages to coordinate its policy on Burma. Today, the regime has a much too easy game to play because different policies are pursued; the West with sanctions and Asia with a so-called constructive engagement, says Mr. Bondevik. The international community should also increase its support of the democratic forces in Burma, represented by Aung San Suu Kyi and her Party, the Student movement and the ethnic minorities. Particularly China and India, who are increasing their economic cooperation with Burma, have a key role to play, says Kjell Magne Bondevik. Press contact: Øistein Mjærum: +47 952 14841

U.N. to stay the course

News - Mizzima News

Friday, 24 August 2007

Following days of demonstrations and arrests in Burma, United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, yesterday, called on the military government to adhere to the "spirit of the efforts of mutual engagement being pursued by the United Nations in the context of his good offices." Ban appealed directly to the government, in a statement, to "exercise restraint" in dealing with demonstrations and protesters. The Secretary General called on all parties not to partake in activities and actions that could be deemed provocative and lead to a worsening of the situation. In line with the overall strategy adopted by the United Nations toward Burma, Ban urged those involved in the ongoing disputes to engage in a "constructive dialogue" to address the situation inside the country at this important time. Spearheading the Secretary General's approach of constructive engagement is Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Gambari has recently met, discussing Burma, with leaders throughout the world and is scheduled to pay a visit to Burma in the near future.

Russia, China and India—Coalition to Offset U.S. International Dominance?

Last week, representatives from India, China and Russia met in New Delhi, India, for a summit to promote international peace and discuss energy and economic cooperation between their nations, which encompass approximately 40% of the world’s 6.5 billion people. The meeting was a continuation of the collaboration between the countries that formally started at a summit held in June 2005 in Vladivostok, Russia.

Present at last week’s summit were Indian External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Foreign Minister Li Xhaoxing from China.

Minister Mukherjee said, “India, Russia, and China, as countries with growing international influence, can make substantive contributions to global peace, security, and stability.”

Mr. Lavrov stated that cooperation “rather than confrontation should govern approaches to regional and global affairs.”

Chinese minister Li Xhaoxing stated, “We did talk about cooperation in the energy sector. All three economies are growing very fast and the potential for tripartite cooperation in trade and energy is vast.” He also confirmed that Iran and North Korea’s nuclear programs, rebuilding Afghanistan, and the war in Iraq were topics of conversation.

The three representatives issued the following in a joint statement at the conclusion of the summit: “Trilateral cooperation was not directed against the interests of any single country and was, on the contrary, intended to promote international harmony and understanding.”

The three countries fervently insisted that this meeting was not the genesis of a new coalition seeking to remedy an imbalance of power due to U.S. international policy.

However, they stressed a “strong commitment” to utilizing “multilateral diplomacy.” Analysts seem to agree that this is a thinly veiled threat in response to real or perceived unilateral actions of the United States in recent years.

As India, China and Russia enjoy economic growth and development never seen before in their nations, they appear to be growing a louder voice on the world scene—especially when it comes to America’s international policies.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has been highly critical of America’s policy on international affairs. Will this group of nations unite to pressure the United States economically? Will other nations do the same, attempting to balance the scales of global influence with the formation of another superpower?

Time will tell.

UN Secretary-General Urges Burma to Enter 'Constructive Dialogue'

By Lalit K Jha/New York

August 24, 2007

As widespread condemnation of Burma's crackdown on popular protests in Rangoon intensifies, the UN secretary-general, Ban Ki-moon, on Thursday urged the Burmese junta to exercise restraint and called for a “constructive dialogue” with pro-democracy supporters.

The UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon

Meanwhile, a powerful US lawmaker singled out India and China for their role in the “deteriorating human rights conditions” in the country through their support of the authoritarian military regime of Burma.

In a statement, Ban Ki-moon said he is following events in Burma closely following the arrests of demonstration leaders.

“The secretary-general calls on the authorities to exercise maximum restraint in responding to any demonstrations and encourages all parties to avoid any provocative action,” a spokesperson said.

The US also reiterated its call to initiate talks with pro-democracy supporters and release all political prisoners.

“It is important for the government there to begin to speak to other groups, to draw on the ethnic minorities to deal with the other political parties, to proceed down a path of democracy and respect for individual human rights,” a State Department spokesperson said.

Influential US lawmaker Rep. Tom Lantos put the blame on two Burmese neighbors—India and China—for the continued suppression of human rights in Burma.

The chairman of the powerful House Foreign Affairs Committee, which plays an influential role in shaping US foreign policy, said: "India and China could play leading roles in improving the dreadful human rights environment in Burma, but instead they callously ignore the abuses. They do nothing to stop the situation in Burma as it continues to deteriorate and become more unstable."

He called on China to support Ban Ki-moon's effort to secure the release of all political prisoners and to back plans for a tripartite national reconciliation dialogue between the regime, Nobel Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's ethnic nationalities.

Calling for the release of Burmese human rights activist Min Ko Naing and more than a dozen people who were arrested after the peaceful protest, Lantos said: “Justice demands taking a stand against Burma's rulers, who prove time and again they are little more than venal, vicious crooks. The pioneering protesters took to the streets fully aware that they would likely face arrest, torture and potentially death. They must be released immediately."

Lantos said a massive increase in diesel and gasoline prices sent the general population of Burma farther into poverty and contrasts dramatically with the upsurge of wealth the regime receives from its natural gas exports.

"Burma's military thugs are fattening their own pockets by using gangster tactics to grind the Burmese people into deeper despair," he said.

Meanwhile, a large number of pro-democracy supporters gathered outside the Burmese Embassy in Washington. The US Campaign for Burma urged the US, Britain and France to call for a discussion of the situation in Burma at the UN Security Council.

"United Nations leaders and mechanisms must not be complacent or silent during this critical time," said Aung Din, the policy director of the US Campaign for Burma. "It is time for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to personally intervene and the Security Council to formulate a collective response."

In a related statement, Václav Havel, the former Czech president, said the attention of the international community, in particular the UN Security Council and world media, should be focused on Burma.

“I urge the military government of Burma to listen to the demands of its fellow citizens, to release Aung San Suu Kyi, Min Ko Naing and other political prisoners and to not attempt to remain in power through force. I call for peaceful dialogue between the government and the citizens of Burma, so as to avoid repeating the unfortunate events of 1988,” he said.

Governments are generally most grateful to human rights organisations for providing information and intelligence about human rights abuses. Very often it is the only and/or the earliest information they have, and they need this information if they are to act.

That said, it is as well not to get too carried away:

• No government would be likely to agree that the situation in Burma "has seriously deteriorated" because of recent displays of public dissatisfaction over the latest fuel price increases. There have been several days of peaceful protests, but there is no blood on the streets as in 1988, and I am not yet aware of any serious injuries.
• It is not true that the Government "has quintupled the price of many basic fuels in the country". Only CNG has increased by 500%, but is still, astonishingly, only one-twentieth (one-twentieth) of the price in Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore.
• It is a delusion to say that USCB and colleagues around the world "successfully convinced" a number of governments to condemn these attacks, for these governments would have issued such statements without pressures from human rights organisations.
• The suggestion that the UN Security Council should meet in emergency session is way over the top and will not be taken seriously by anyone. If anything, such unreasonable demands tend to antagonise officials and make them less inclined to take action.
• I doubt that "the situation is evolving rapidly". It seems, on the contrary, rather to have quietened down.

I have nonetheless tremendous admiration for all those who took part in the protests. To judge from photographs and video-clips, they came from all walks of life, young and old, office workers and housewives. Most of them were well dressed and if Burma needs a revolutionary colour, then on this occasion it was a "White Revolution". But I rather sense that the 88 Generation leaders have walked into a trap, set opportunistically by the military junta when the protests started. The authorities have shown that they have the power to contain such protests, and they may be taking the opportunity to put as many 88 Generation activists out of circulation until the constitutional process, even the elections, are completed. But I don't know what else the people could have done except protest, and if it is true that some bus fare concessions have already been made, then there may have been some positive effect. However, we should wait and see whether things flare up again, as well they may, perhaps not this month or next, but quite soon.

If these were the most serious protests in Burma during the past decade, then Burma has indeed enjoyed 10 years of unusual urban tranquillity.

Derek Tonkin

Assessment for Rohingya (Arakanese) in Burma

Burma Facts Area: 676,552 sq. km. Capital: Rangoon Total Population: 47,305,000 (source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1998, est.)

Risk Assessment

The Rohingyas have three of the six factors that increase the chances of future rebellion: current rebellion; territorial concentration; and recent government repression. Since the late 1980s, the military junta has negotiated ceasefire agreements with fifteen ethnic groups, including the Rohingya-supported All Burma Muslim Union. However, given the severe political, economic, and cultural discrimination against the Rohingyas, it is unlikely that low-level resistance will cease in the near future.

Analytic Summary

The Rohingyas are also referred to as the Arakanese as they primarily reside in the mountainous western state of Arakan that borders Bangladesh (GROUPCON = 2). There have been significant migrations by group members both within Burma and into neighboring Bangladesh due to threats of or actual attacks by state authorities.

The most distinguishable characteristic of the Rohingyas is their adherence to Islam (BELIEF = 3). The Burmans, the country’s dominant community, follow Theravada Buddhism. Although Buddhism is not the official state religion, in recent decades the military junta has sought to elevate its status to the detriment of the country's religious minorities. Group members also adhere to different social customs than the Burmans (CUSTOM = 1).

Beginning in the 7th century, merchants from the Arab, Moorish, and Mughal areas began to settle in Arakan territory. The Arakan was ruled by independent kingdoms until the region came under the control of the Burmans in the 18th century. Following the third Anglo-Burman war late in the same century, the British captured control of Burma.

Relations between the Muslim Rohingyas and the Buddhist Burmans have historically been tense. When Burma became independent in 1948, the North Arakan Muslim League engaged in armed attacks in an unsuccessful effort to have the northern part of the state join East Pakistan (REB45X = 4).

In the past three decades, there have been significant migrations, forced and voluntary, of Rohingyas to neighboring Bangladesh. In 1977, in response to the military government's attempt to identify illegal immigrants, some 200,000 group members sought refuge in Bangladesh. While most of them subsequently returned, in 1981-82 there was another exodus as Rangoon implemented a new citizenship law that required residents to prove that they have lived in the country since 1824. In the mid to late 1990s, further migrations to Bangladesh occurred, many of which were reportedly due to forcible expulsions by state authorities. From a high of 250,000 Rohingyas in Bangladeshi refugee camps in the early 1990s, there were some 20,000 left by the end of 2000 after the rest had returned to Burma. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees has financially supported the camps.

The Rohingyas face many demographic stresses such as deteriorating public health conditions, declining caloric intake, dispossession from their land, and internal resettlement as a result of government policies. During the 1998-2000 period, thousands of villagers were evicted in order to transform their rice fields into poppy plantations. Further, some of the land that belonged to Rohingyas in Bangladeshi refugee camps was turned over to Burmans. Cultural restrictions against group members include numerous limitations on the practice of their religion, such as the requirement to register religious organizations and the use of forced labor to build Buddhist shrines.

Political and economic discrimination is the result of formal exclusion and state repression (ECDIS03 = 4; POLDIS03 = 4). Group members are subject to arrests of Rohingya leaders, torture, restrictions on free movement, forcible resettlement, and military campaigns against rebels. Since the late 1980s, the Burmese armed forces have more than doubled in size, now numbering 400,000. Chinese military assistance to the junta, in the forms of arms and training, has been critical.

Group members are mainly concerned about political and religious issues. Along with seeking greater political rights and participation, the Rohingyas support the attainment of widespread autonomy (SEPX = 3). The ability to freely practice their religious and cultural beliefs along with protection from attacks by other communal groups are also key grievances.

Militant organizations primarily represent group interests, although some conventional organizations exist. The main rebel groups are the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and the Arakan Army, which reportedly operates from the Indian-controlled Andaman Islands. The All Burma Muslim Union (ABMU) reached a ceasefire deal with the military junta in 1995, but in recent years the organization has reportedly been active in efforts to mobilize the country's ethnic and opposition groups against the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). The Rohingyas are a factionalized group but there have been no violent incidents between members in recent years (COHESX9 = 3). In 2001, major anti-Muslim riots occurred in Arakan, resulting in the deaths of over 1,000 people.

While their history of rebellion predates Burma’s independence, since the mid-1970s the Rohingyas have also engaged in conventional political activities in pursuit of their goals (PROT75X = 4; REB45X = 4). Rebellion by group members reemerged in the mid-1970s after a two-decade break (REB75X = 4). In recent years, there have been low-level actions (PROT01 = 2, PROT; REBEL00 = 1). In late 2000, there was a resurgence of rebel activity that led to an increased military deployment in Arakan state. However, no rebel activity was reported between 2001 and 2003 (REB01-03 = 0).

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References

Europa Yearbook, Far East and Australasia 1993.

Far Eastern Economic Review, 1990-94.

Keesings Record of World Events, 1990-93.

Minorities at Risk, Phase I, overview compiled by Monty G. Marshall, 06/89.

Lexis-Nexis news reports, 1990-2003.

U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Burma. 2001-2003.

Burma Army goes hi-tech

by admin — last modified 2007-08-24 07:30

No.09 - 8/2007

24 August 2007

War

The Tatmadaw of Burma's ruling generals will be using the Universal Transverse Mercator Geographic Coordinate System, or the UTM projection, in their continuing warfare against the ethnic rebels, according to Thai security sources.

"It will become operative beginning next year," said a veteran source who has been monitoring the Burma Army movements. "Intensive trainings to familiarize the officers with the system have already started."

UTM has become the most used because it allows precise measurements to within 1 meter. Its coordinate are typically given with the zone first, then the easting, then the northing, according to Google. The location of Red Hill, South Carolina, therefore is in Zone 12, at 328204E (easting), 4746040N (northing).

"With the introduction of the system," said a senior source, "rebel bases are becoming less secure."

Courtroom trial tells on India-Myanmar relations

Syed Ali Mujtaba, Ph.D. - 8/19/2007

The trial of the infamous 1998 ‘Operation Leech’ in Kolkata court is turning out to be a public relations disaster for New Delhi. This is crucially at a time when several big business deals with Myanmar's military junta hang in the balance. ‘Operation Leech’ refers to Indian intelligence sting operation capturing 34 Myanmar nationals in Andaman’s Landfall Island on February 8, 1998.

The Army’s version says they captured an "international gang of gun smugglers" waging a war against the nation.

However, as the trial progresses now it’s becoming clear that the "international gang of gun smugglers" were none other than Karen National Union (KNU) and National Unity Party of Arakan (NUPA) rebels fighting the military junta and were helped by India with sanctuary and supply of arms.

According to the defendant, Indian military and intelligence officials had been clandestinely supporting them for years offering them storage facilities for the arms procured from third country to fight the military rule in Myanmar.

The defendant in its plaint say they had traveled overnight from southern Thailand, where they had procured arms from unknown dealers, to India's Landfall Island for a scheduled rendezvous with Indian military and intelligence officials. The Indian army for some unknown reasons abruptly changed its plan and apprehended us on our arrival at Landfall Island, the defendants allege. While 28 members were disarmed, shackled and held in different areas of the island, six NUPA leaders were whisked away to be killed in cold blooded manner, the defendant allege.

The rebels were detained for nine years in legal limbo with no formal charges framed against them. They were even denied even councilor access under detention.

However, due to pressure from human rights group this case was finally transferred to a sessions court in Kolkata in December 2004. Many of the details as to what transpired on Landfall Islands on February 8, 1998, is yet to become clear but the version of the events narrated by the rebels seem gaining more credibility.

This is more so because the CBI due to lack of evidence was forced to drop one of the initial charges that accused the rebels of attempting to wage war against India.

According to Siddharth Agarwal, the rebels' lead lawyer, his clients' defense is simple: "They were called to Landfall Island by the Indian authorities with the promise that ... they would be armed by the Indian Army in their quest for freedom against the military junta" in Myanmar.

“The state prosecutors have reportedly failed to produce significant pieces of evidence requested by the defense, including the ammunition seized that evening,” says Agarwal. He also complains that the court allowed three military officials allegedly involved in the sting operation to testify via video link without cross-examinations by the defense.

According to the court testimony of the witnesses, some of them had heard the gunshots sound from a distance and since then have never seen the six NUPA leaders. The prosecution has denied the claims, insisting that the Indian military's only contact with either rebel group was for the purpose of conducting the sting operation.

"If the trial goes on in the right direction, the Indian military's contacts with Burmese rebels will be revealed ... That's why they killed the six leaders. It was because they knew too much," said a PUCL Lawyer monitoring the case very closely.

The revelations emerging from the ‘Operation Leech’ trial in Kolkatta, suggests, New Delhi's alleged past link with rebel groups in Myanmar. Indian intelligence operatives in the late 1980s and early 1990s spent years cultivating ties with rebel groups fighting Myanmar's military rule. They made several offers of logistical support to the Arakan and Chin insurgent groups operating in Myanmar's remote western border regions.

The Karen National Union (KNU) and National Unity Party of Arakan (NUPA) have both claimed in court to have received support from Indian intelligence operatives for years before ‘Operation Leech.’ So far these courtroom claims have not spread any further than the presiding court in Kolkata. It remains to be seen what impact it may make on the India- Myanmar relationship once the charges levied against the rebels are formally demolished.

Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at

syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com

Parliament of Australia

08 August 2007

BURMA

Speech by Senator STOTT DESPOJA (South Australia) (3.39 p.m.) -

That the Senate

(a)

notes that:

(i)

8 August 2007 is the 19th anniversary of the pro-democracy uprising in Burma, an uprising brutally suppressed by the Burmese military regime,

(ii)

the Burmese military junta refused to recognise the results of democratic elections in 1990 that saw the National League for Democracy (NLD) emerge with a clear majority,

(iii)

the National Convention in Burma, whose role is to recommend changes to Burma's constitution aimed at legitimising military rule, includes delegates hand-picked by the military regime and excludes representatives of the NLD and ethnic minority groups, and

(iv)

the convention is expected to report in the near future;

(b)

condemns the ongoing persecution of pro-democracy groups in Burma and the detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners; and

(c)

urges the Government to maintain international pressure on the Burmese military regime to:

(i)

end state-sponsored human rights abuses in Burma,

(ii)

release political prisoners,

(iii)

hold a dialogue with the NLD and ethnic minority groups to pursue national reconciliation and democratisation, and

(iv)

include pro-democracy and ethnic minority groups in the National Convention process.

Jared Genser: Gordon Brown's strange silence on Burma

One would hope that his admiration for Suu Kyi would be accompanied by tangible support

Published: 21 August 2007

Today, halfway around the world, a 62-year-old woman sits alone in her home, as she has for years. Her telephone line is disconnected. Her doorbell never rings because visitors are forbidden. There is no mail. There is no news.

For Aung San Suu Kyi, the democratically elected leader of Burma and world's only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, there is almost complete isolation. She has spent more than 12 of the past 17 years under house arrest since her National League for Democracy and its allies won a landslide 82 per cent of the seats in Burma's 1990 parliamentary elections. They were never allowed to take power.

This month marks the 19th anniversary of Burma's democracy uprising, when thousands of people took to the streets demanding freedom and democracy. The regime responded with bullets, and thousands were massacred, ushering in an era of even worse repression.

Since 1996, the junta has destroyed more than 3,000 villages in a relentless campaign of killing, torture and rape against ethnic minorities. More than one million refugees have fled the country and 600,000 internally displaced people struggle to subsist in jungle conditions. Some 800,000 people are used as forced labour and the country has tens of thousands of child soldiers. Even worse, as Burma disintegrates, its decay - including heroin, methamphetamines and strains of HIV - seeps into neighbouring countries.

With the atrocities mounting, the international community has, in fits and starts, tried to press for peace in Burma. Unfortunately, however, there has been no unified approach and the military junta has exploited this reality to preserve its tenuous grip on power.

In recent years, the UK has played a leading role in pressing for democratic change in Burma, in close partnership with the US. Yet in the three months since Gordon Brown has become Prime Minister, he has been quiet on the topic of Burma. No doubt his focus has been on other things. But in just a few weeks in office, French President Nicholas Sarkozy's government managed to both secure the release of the six Bulgarian medics from Libya and announce its intention to press for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

Mr Brown's silence is especially surprising because one would hope that his admiration for Suu Kyi - in his book Courage: Eight Portraits, he described her as a true hero for our times - would be accompanied by tangible support for her cause. Thankfully, Mr Brown has time to act, but he needs to act now. British leadership is necessary to break the international stalemate on Burma.

First, he should speak out publicly and repeatedly about the need for action in Burma - freedom for Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners, national reconciliation, and action by China and India to play a constructive role in resolving the conflict - rather than leaving this task to more junior ministers. One cannot underestimate the importance that this rhetorical support would provide to Burma's embattled democrats and people inside the country.

Second, to ensure that rhetoric is matched by action, the British Government should embrace and support the strong recommendations of the Commons Select Committee on International Development's report on aid to Burma. Specifically, the Committee noted Burma is one of the least-aided countries in the world by Britain. It recommended support should be quadrupled to £35.2m per year by 2013. In addition, the Committee also recommended the Department for International Development begin funding human rights groups that work across the border to gather evidence on the conditions in the country such as forced labour and rape of ethnic minorities.

And finally the British Government should work closely with the US and France to press for the UN Special Envoy on Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, to brief the Security Council on his recent trip to Asia. Following that briefing, the British Government should press for specific benchmarks to be set by Mr Gambari for progress to be achieved. For years, the Burmese junta has been blessed by a divided international community. The UK is well positioned to try and bring the international community together to give the Burmese junta no option but reconciliation and a restoration of democracy.

World leaders such as Mr Brown have always been good at praising Aung San Suu Kyi. That is important. But it is also time they listened to what she says: "Please use your liberty to promote ours."

The writer is a solicitor and president of Freedom Now. He currently represents Aung San Suu Kyi.